cartouche, spieser

8/9/2019 Cartouche, Spieser

1/12

eScholarship provides open access, scholarly publishingservices to the University of California and delivers a dynamic

research platform to scholars worldwide.

UCLA Encyclopedia of EgyptologyUC Los Angeles

Peer Reviewed

Title:

Cartouche

Author:

Spieser, Cathie

Publication Date:

01-23-2010

Publication Info:

UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, UCLos Angeles

Permalink:

http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122

Citation:

Spieser, Cathie. (2010). Cartouche. UC Los Angeles: UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology.Retrieved from: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122

Additional Info:

Spieser, Cathie, 2010, Cartouche. In Elizabeth Frood, Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLAEncyclopedia of Egyptology, Los Angeles. http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122

Keywords:

royal nameAbstract:

The cartouche is an elongated form of the Egyptian shen-hieroglyph that encloses and protectsa royal name or, in specific contexts, the name of a divinity. A kings throne name and birth namewere each enclosed in a cartouche, forming a kind of heraldic motif expressing the rulers dualnature as both human and divine. The cartouche could occur as a simple decorative component.When shown independently the cartouche took on an iconic significance and replaced the kings,or more rarely, the queens, anthropomorphic image, enabling him or her to be venerated as adivine entity. Conversely, the enclosure of a gods or goddesss name in a cartouche served torender the deity more accessible to the human sphere.

Supporting material:

1. Figure 1

2. Figure 23. Figure 3

4. Figure 4
http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122http://escholarship.org/uc/search?creator=Spieser,%20Cathiehttp://escholarship.org/uc/uclahttp://escholarship.org/uc/nelc_ueehttp://escholarship.org/uc/nelc_ueehttp://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/


2/12

eScholarship provides open access, scholarly publishingservices to the University of California and delivers a dynamic

research platform to scholars worldwide.

5. Figure 5

6. Figure 6

7. Figure 7

8. Figure 8

9. Figure 9

10. Figure 10
http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/http://escholarship.org/


3/12

CARTOUCHE

Cathie Spieser

EDITORS

WILLEKEWENDRICHEditor-in-Chief

University of California, Los Angeles

JACCO DIELEMANEditor

University of California, Los Angeles

ELIZABETH FROODEditor

Area Editor Individual and SocietyUniversity of Oxford

JOHN BAINESSenior Editorial Consultant

University of Oxford

Short Citation:

Spieser, 2010, Cartouche. UEE.

Full Citation:Spieser, Cathie, 2010, Cartouche. In Elizabeth Frood, Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of

Egyptology, Los Angeles. http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122

http://escholarship/uc/item/3g726122 1063 Version 1, January 2010


4/12

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 1

CARTOUCHE

Cathie Spieser

Knigsring, KartuscheCartouche

The cartouche is an elongated form of the Egyptian shen-hieroglyph that encloses and protects aroyal name or, in specific contexts, the name of a divinity. A kings throne name and birth namewere each enclosed in a cartouche, forming a kind of heraldic motif expressing the rulers dualnature as both human and divine. The cartouche could occur as a simple decorative component.When shown independently the cartouche took on an iconic significance and replaced the kings, ormore rarely, the queens, anthropomorphic image, enabling him or her to be venerated as a divineentity. Conversely, the enclosure of a gods or goddesss name in a cartouche served to render thedeity more accessible to the human sphere.

>>


5/12


1994). The cartouche was first used to enclosethe kings birth (given) name. The earliestattested example of an enclosed birth namethat of Third Dynasty pharaoh Huni, found

on a block at Elephantineis doubtful (vonBeckerath 1984: 35). Well attested, however,are examples on royal monuments of Sneferu(Fourth Dynasty) and his successors. By themiddle of the Fifth Dynasty, during theregency of Neferirkara, the newly institutedthrone name is also enclosed within acartouche.

The first occurrence of the use ofcartouches to enclose queens names appearsin the Sixth Dynasty. At this time we find thebirth names of Ankhnesmeryra I and her

sister Ankhnesmeryra II, also calledAnkhnespepyboth wives of Pepy Ipartially contained: cartouches enclose onlythe components Meryra and Pepy, thesebeing the kings throne and birth names,respectively. This convention reflects thequeens position as kings wife, but mayfurther indicate, in a sense, that the kingscartouche also became a part of the name ofthe queen, perhaps opening the way forqueens to have their own names placed incartouches. The name of queen

Ankhnesmeryra I occurs in a private burialmonument; that of Ankhnesmeryra II isfound in her small pyramid at Saqqara(Grajetzki 2005: 22 - 23). From the MiddleKingdom onward, cartouches enclosed thequeens entire birth name (Grajetzki 2005: 40- 41; Troy 1986: 134, 160); the birth nameremained the only queens name to beenclosed by a cartouche. Occasionally epithets(both royal and non-royal) or gods namescould also be included.

Function and Meaning

The purpose of the cartouche is to protect theroyal name, the name embodying,supernaturally, the rulers identity. Moreover,as a solar element depicting all that the sunencircles, the cartouche establishes a parallelbetween the sun and the pharaoh as long ashe rules (figs. 1 - 4; Grimal 1986: 57 - 60;Wilkinson 1994: 193 - 195).

Figure 1. Lunette of private stela from reign ofAmenhotep III (Louvre C54 - N208) shows thethrone name of Amenhotep III as a wingedcartouche, replacing the traditional sun disc ofHorus Behdety.

Figure 2. Throne name of Ramesses II writtenwithin a solar disc, resting in a solar bark. StelaCairo JE 43.690.

Figure 3. Cartouches enclosing throne and birthnames of Ramesses III, venerated by princes.

Temple of Medinet Habu.

The kings throne and birth names enclosedin cartouches form a kind of heraldic motifexpressing his dual nature: the birth namerepresents him on a terrestrial level as ahuman being, chosen by the gods, and thethrone name represents him as an incarnationof divine power (Baines 1995b: 9 - 19). Thetwo cartouches may appear as a substitute for

the anthropomorphic image of the king, butthey are not its equivalent. When cartouchesare used iconically, they reflect the kingsdivine essence, in contrast to hisanthropomorphic image, which is bound tohis terrestrial aspect. Iconic cartouches couldbe worshipped by private individuals as anequivalent of the sun disc. They could alsomanifest the king in the role of various deities


6/12


Figure 5. Cartouche of Thutmose IV. CairoMuseum. The king shown as composite emblem

with falcons head, feet, and tail, and human arms;his cartouche body encloses his throne name.Iconographic version of the king slaying hisenemies.

Figure 6. Cartouche of Nefertari protected by avulture goddess. Small temple of Nefertari, AbuSimbel. This type of iconography is used for bothqueens and kings without distinction.

such as Horus, Horus Behdety, Ra, and Amun(Spieser 2000: 61 - 67; figs. 1 - 5). The thronename was traditionally the most importantand the one by which most kings were knownduring their rule. Toward the end of the NewKingdom more complex forms of the thronename emerged (Baines 1998: 21).

In the New Kingdom, the cartoucheenclosing the queens birth name is displayed,although very rarely, as a representation of thequeens divine image. In the Ramesside Periodthe phenomenon is more prevalent and thequeens cartouche is sometimes shownprotected by gods or goddesses (fig. 6).

Cartouches in WritingThe cartouche isolates and foregrounds thename in a text while also magically ensuringthe names protection. The cartouche couldbe written horizontally or vertically, withhieroglyphs oriented to the left or the right, orfrom top to bottom.

The cartouche is generally preceded by atitle referring to the enclosed name. Thekings throne name is entitled either nswt bjtj,He of the sedge and the bee (readinguncertain), mostly translated King of Upper

and Lower Egypt/Dual King or nb tAwj,Lord of the Two Lands. His birth name isentitled either zA Ra, Son of Ra, or nb xaw,Lord of Crowns/Appearances (vonBeckerath 1984: 38).

Most often one royal name is enclosedwithin a cartouche; however, from the end ofthe Sixth Dynasty through the Middle

Figure 4. Cartouches adored by Aye and Tiy. Tomb of Aye, el-Amarna.


7/12


Kingdom sometimes two royal names areenclosed. In such cases the throne nameprecedes the birth name within the cartouche;sometimes the throne name is itself preceded

in the cartouche by an epithet, such as nswtbjtj(von Beckerath 1984: 185 - 220). From theFourth Dynasty onward, it became thepractice (although it was not systematic) toinclude the epithet zA Rawithin the cartoucheof the kings birth name (for example, thebirth names of kings Tety and Pepy I arepreceded by this epithet; von Beckerath 1984:184). From the Ninth/Tenth Dynastiesonward, the throne name could be precededwithin the cartouche by the epithet nswt bjtj,but there is no discernable regularity orpattern in this practice. The regular inclusionof zA Ra within the cartouche is characteristicof the names of Eleventh Dynasty Thebankings. This practice survives only into theHyksos Period and the Seventeenth Dynasty.The meaning of this feature is not clear; itmay have been an attempt to endow royalnames with greater sanctity, or, in theEleventh Dynasty, it may have been anassertion of local identity.

From the New Kingdom onward, excludingsome rare exceptions, non-royal epithets

could occasionally be included in thecartouche, such as the title jt-nTr, used by thelate Eighteenth Dynasty king Aye, or Hm-nTr,used by the high priests of Amun ruling in theTwenty-first Dynasty. An example of thelatter practice is that of Herihor, whosethrone name was Hm-nTr tpj n Jmn, HighPriest of Amun.

The use of cartouches was also sometimesextended to pharaohs whose names clearlyevoked their non-royal origins, especiallyduring the Second Intermediate Period.

Examples include the birth names of kingsImiramesha (jmj-r mSa), meaning general orcommander of the army; Nehesi, meaningthe Nubian or a troop soldier; andShemesu, meaning the escort (vonBeckerath 1984: 204, 212, 214).

From the end of the New Kingdom, acartouche enclosing the name of a deity couldalso substitute for an anthropomorphic

representation of the god. Cartouches enclose,for example, the names of Osiris and Horusin their numerous variants, Horakhti, Amun-Ra, and Anubis, among others. A cartouche

of a divinized king, such as Amenhotep I,functioned in a similar manner. Whereas theroyal cartouche reveals some idea of thedivinity of the king, the use of the cartouchefor gods names displays an intent to bring thegods to a level closer to the human sphere.Gods names enclosed in cartouches appear,on the one hand, in a context deriving fromroyal ideology that associates them with thesolar disc; on the other hand, they are alsoassociated with the solar destiny of thedeceased individual who is assimilated to thegod. Many images displaying a cartoucheenclosing a gods name refer to Spell 16 of theBook of the Dead(the spell is more accurately avignette of the rising sun, illustrating Spell 15),especially in the iconography of post-NewKingdom Theban coffins (Spieser 2002: 85 -95).

Cartouches in Iconography

The cartouche takes on iconic significancewhen it appears in place of theanthropomorphic image of the king (or, much

more rarely, the queen). It should beunderstood that in such cases the cartouche isnot intended as a substitute for the rulersimage but rather as a presentation of the ruleras a divine entity. Figure 5, for example,shows Thutmose IVs cartouche as a falconwith human armsan iconic representationof Horus slaying his enemies. Similarly,artistic strategies serve to indicate when thereplacement of the rulers image is intended(Spieser 2000: 32 - 35; Vernus 1987: 60 - 65).A cartouche of Thutmose III, worshipped bythe viceroy of Kush called Nehy (fig. 7), is

displayed on the same scale as Nehy himself.That the cartouche is ornamented furtherincreases its sacredness. Additionally, gods orgoddesses can be depicted protecting thecartouche (figs. 6, 8; Spieser 2000: 71 - 80,figs. 146 - 195).

Cartouches can be assimilated with a godand venerated as such. The autonomous


8/12


Figure 7. Lintel of the viceroy Nehy (reign ofThutmose III). Temple of Aniba (Nubia). Nehy isvenerating the adorned cartouche of the thronename of Thutmose III.

Figure 8. Cartouches of Ramesses II protected byHorus Behdety. Ramesseum. Such depictions arecommon in the New Kingdom.

cartouche (i.e., the cartouche shownindependently) presents the king or queen asthe manifestation of various gods orgoddesses, sometimes in combination withrebuses, cryptograms, and wordplay (Radwan1975: 204 - 213; Spieser 2000: 61 - 66, figs.204 - 218, 220, 223, 229, 297). The cartouchebecomes a component of the Horus falcon inrepresentations identifying the king withHorus slaying his enemies (see fig. 5). Thecartouche could also depict the king as HorusBehdety, replacing the solar disc between thegods wings (see fig. 1). The kings namewritten within a solar disc or ouroboros (the

snake that bites its tail) rather than acartouche assimilates the king with the god Ra(see fig. 2). The kings name written in thesolar bark likely associates the king withAmun-Ra; indeed the birth name ofAmenhotep III can be written with the solar-bark sign, connoting Amun (Keel 1995: 243,fig. 571).

Ramesside royal sarcophagi in the form of acartouche encircling the body of the kingconstitute a cosmogonic representation: theyshow the deceased king as Osiris enveloped

by the bounded universe (all that the sunencircles) (see examples in PM I, 2: 495 -498). In such cases, the cartouche has aniconographic value but does not replace theimage of the king. In the same way, thesarcophagus chambers from some earlier royaltombsfor example, the tombs of ThutmoseI (KV38), Thutmose II (KV 42?), andThutmose III (KV 34)may take the form ofa cartouche (PM I, 2: 548 - 559). Thecartouche could also be used in the design ofobjects or furniture; for example, a woodenbox in the form of a cartouche was found inTutankhamens tomb (Reeves 1990: 190).Cartouches, whether empty or enclosing aname, could serve as protective amulets, seals,and ring-seals, as displayed in the numerousexamples found at el-Amarna (see Andrews1990: 165; 1994: 77; Frankfort andPendlebury 1933: pl. XLIX; Wilkinson 1994:194 - 195).

Ornamental Features

Ornaments served to protect the cartouche

and to further emphasize the kings or queensdivinity. Some ornaments were placed atopthe cartouche (see fig. 7)we find cartouchessurmounted by double-plumed solar discs,solar discs with or without a pair of uraei, andlunar discs, which in turn could be combinedwith ram, bull, or cow hornswhereas pairsof uraei with the crowns of Upper and LowerEgypt are found adorning the sides. Thecartouche can also occur without ornamentswhen it replaces the kings or queensanthropomorphic image (Spieser 2000: 42 -61).

The cartouche itself may surmount a potentassociative symbol, such as the hieroglyph forgold (nbw), for festival (Hb), or for theuniting of the Two Lands (zmA-tAwj), or thesign for the standard (jAt). The nbw-signalludes to the golden radiance of thecartouche, considered an image of the sundisc. (In the Amarna Period, this solar


9/12


radiance is reserved for the god Aten to theextent that the nbw-sign is excluded fromiconography.) Moreover, the nb componentof the nbw-sign perhaps also references lordand allthat is, the king as ruler of all (theuniverse)constituting a display of multiple

meanings (Spieser 2000: 51). The Hb-sign mayrefer to the Sed Festival (Hb-sd), the royaljubilee ritually celebrated by the king. ThezmA-tAwjcan bear one or multiple royal names. The

jAt-sign is used to support many divinities andbelongs to the emblems displaying the kings(or queens) divine nature.

Veneration

In the Middle Kingdom, cartouches in templereliefs are shown receiving offerings fromNile gods, especially in procession scenes

(Baines 1985; Spieser 2000: 73, figs. 178 -182). New Kingdom iconography featuresscenes of officials venerating kings names.The officials express their loyalty to the kingby praying to the kings cartouche, which isitself assimilated with the rising sun; they alsopresent funerary wishes, expressing their hopefor continued existence in the afterlife (see fig.4; Habachi 1954; Spieser 2000: 84 - 117, figs.1 - 138). Starting in the reign of Hatshepsut,foreign chiefs are depicted prostrating beforethe rulers cartouches (Spieser 2000: 80 - 84,

figs. 139 - 145). A distinctive elaboration inthe Ramesside Period is the veneration ofcartouches by royal children (see fig. 3).

Empty Cartouches

An empty cartouche serves as a hieroglyphicdeterminative for the word rn(name) whenit designates either the name of a ruler or thekings titulary, rn wr(great name) (Bonhme

1978: 347 - 387). In the Ptolomaic and RomanPeriods, a great number of reliefs (at thetemple of Dendara, for example) display anempty cartouche for either kings or queens,designating the kingship or queenship,respectively. The idea of kingship can also be

expressed at this time by a cartouchecontaining only the word pharaoh (Quirke1990: 42 - 43), examples of which may pointto weaknesses in, or uncertainty regarding, thekingship at this point in history.

Omission

Some names of the royal titularythe Horusname, Two Ladies name, and Golden Horusnames, specificallywere never enclosedwithin a cartouche. The selective use of thecartouche in the titulary may have been a way

to emphasize the sanctity of the throne andbirth names.

Conversely, it is noteworthy that in theRamesside Period the absence of a cartoucheenclosing a royal namein particularcontextscould actually indicate the name-holders increased status and divinity. Kingsbirth and throne names without cartouchesare displayed, for example, in monumentalfriezes on temple walls (fig. 9). In statuary,officials are depicted holding the kingshieroglyphic names in their handsthe

absence of cartouches now lending iconicvalue to the hieroglyphs (Spieser 2000: 31 -32, figs. 222, 224, 226, 230). It thereforeappears that each hieroglyphic sign of theroyal name had, by this time, taken on powerand divinity individually. The signs stillbelonged to a cohesive grouping thatconstituted a royal name, but eachsimultaneously took on its own role as a

Figure 9. Names of Ramesses III in a frieze from the temple of Medinet Habu.


10/12


Figure 10. Names of Ramesses IV in a frieze fromthe temple of Khons, Karnak.

divine entity. This is particularly visible in thedrawing in Figure 10, which shows a friezefrom the bark chamber in the Temple ofKhons at Karnak. Here, alternating images ofRamesses IV, in maturity and as a young man,are shown offering maatto the god Amun, thename of the god being part of the kings

throne name. Close examination reveals thatthe frieze is a kind of rebus. One of thealternating images shows the king wearing thekhepreshcrown surmounted by a sun disc, heqascepter in hand, offering maat to Amun, whosits atop the signs reading stp nthuspresenting the kings throne name, HoA-mAat-Rastp-n-Jmn. The other plays on the kings birthname and is rather more difficult to read. It

features the young king or prince surmountedby a sun disc, maat feather in hand, offeringmaat to Amun, who sits atop the mr-sign.Under both the young Ramesses and the god

Amun is a double-s. In this way, the kingsbirth name is presented: Ra-msj-sw HoA-mAat-mrj-Jmn. Thus, we see that the hieroglyphsthemselves played an integral role in theartistic design of the frieze, the absence of thecartouche enhancing their iconic value.

Disappearance

The cartouche remained in use until the endof Pharaonic civilization. When Pharaonicbeliefs and the associated writing systems losttheir relevance, the cartouche disappeared as

well. The last pharaohs whose names areattested as written in cartouches are theRoman emperors Diocletian, Galerius, andMaximinus Daia of the beginning of thefourth century CE (von Beckerath 1984: 306).The kings of Meroe in Sudan continued to usethe cartouche until the fifth century CE(Quirke 1990: 42 - 43).

Bibliographic NotesA basic overview treating cartouches, with illustrations, can be found in Wilkinson (1994). For agood understanding of the central issues of reading and interpretation, studies concerning theintegration of art and writing are crucial: Baines (1989); Keel (1995); Radwan (1975); and Vernus(1987). Studies of kingship or queenship and the role played by the titulary provide detaileddiscussions of the various functions and meanings of the cartouche: Baines (1995a, 1995b);Bonhme (1978); Grajetzki (2005); Grimal (1986); von Beckerath (1984); and Quirke (1990). Asmall number of specialized studies examine the role of the cartouche in religious iconography:Barta (1970); Habachi (1954); and Spieser (2002). Cartouches are present on the full range ofmonumentstemples, tombs, and furnitureand are commonly found on small objects such asjewelry and amulets; for examples of the latter see Andrews (1990, 1994) and Reeves (1990). Acomprehensive treatment of the function and meaning of the cartouche is Spieser (2000).

ReferencesAndrews, Carol

1990 Ancient Egyptian jewellery. London: British Museum Press.1994 Amulets of ancient Egypt. London: British Museum Press.

Baines, John1985 Fecundity figures: Egyptian personification and the iconology of a genre. Warminster: Aris & Phillips;

Chicago: Bolchazy-Carducci.


11/12


1989 Communication and display: The integration of early Egyptian art and writing.Antiquity63, pp.471 - 482.

1995a Origins of Egyptian kingship. InAncient Egyptian kingship, Probleme der gyptologie 9, ed. DavidO'Connor, and David Silverman, pp. 95 - 156. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill.

1995b Kingship, definition of culture, and legitimation. InAncient Egyptian kingship, Probleme dergyptologie 9, ed. David O'Connor, and David Silverman, pp. 3 - 47. Leiden, New York, andCologne: Brill.

1998 Ancient Egyptian kingship: Official forms, rhetoric, context. In King and messiah in Israel and theancient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, ed. John Day, pp. 16 - 53. Sheffield,England: Sheffield Academic Press.

Barta, Winfried1970 Der Knigsring als Symbol zyklischer Wiederkehr. Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache und

Altertumskunde98, pp. 5 - 16.

Bonhme, Marie-Ange1978 Les dsignations de la "titulature" royale au Nouvel Empire. Bulletin de l'Institut franais d'archologie

orientale78, pp. 347 - 387.

Davies, Norman de Garis1908 The rock tombs of El-'Amarna VI: The tombs of Parennefer, Tutu and A. Archaeological Survey of Egypt

18th Memoir. London: Egypt Exploration Fund.

Frankfort, Henri, and J. D. S. Pendlebury1933 The city of Akhenaten II: The north suburb and the desert altars: The excavations at Tell el Amarna during the

seasons 1926 - 1932. London: Egypt Exploration Society.

Grajetzki, Wolfram2005 Ancient Egyptian queens: A hieroglyphic dictionary. London: Golden House Publications.

Grimal, Nicolas1986 Les termes de la propagande royale gyptienne: de la XIXe dynastie la conqute d'Alexandre. Mmoires de

l'Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres: Nouvelle Srie 6. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale:Diffusion de Boccard.

Habachi, Labib1954 Khatna-Qantir: Importance.Annales du service des antiquits de lE gypte52, pp. 443 - 562.

Kahl, Jochem1994 Das System der gyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0. - 3. Dynastie. Gttinger Orientforschungen: Reihe

IV: gypten 29. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Keel, Othmar1995 Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palstina/Israel. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis: Series Archaeologica

10. Freiburg: Academic Press; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Porter, Bertha, and Rosalind Moss1964 Topographical bibliography of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, reliefs, and paintings (PM), Vol. I: The Theban

necropolis: Part 2: Royal tombs and smaller cemeteries. Oxford: Griffith Institute.

Quirke, Stephen1990 Who were the pharaohs? A history of their names with a list of cartouches. London: British Museum.

Radwan, Ali1975 Der Knigsname: Epigraphisches zum gttlichen Knigtum im Alten gypten. Studien zur

Altgyptischen Kultur2, pp. 213 - 234.

Reeves, Nicholas1990 The complete Tutankhamun: The king, the tomb, the royal treasure. London: Thames and Hudson.


12/12


Spieser, Cathie2000 Les noms du pharaon comme tres autonomes au Nouvel Empire. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 174.

Freiburg: Academic Press; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.2002 Les cartouches divins. Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde129, pp. 85 - 95.

Steindorff, Georg1937 Aniba. 2 volumes. Glckstadt and Hamburg: J. J. Augustin.

Troy, Lana1986 Patterns of queenship in ancient Egyptian myth and history. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis: Boreas 14.

Uppsala and Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell International.

Vernus, Pascal1987 L'ambivalence du signe graphique dans l'criture hiroglyphique. Incritures III: Espaces de la lecture:

Actes du colloque de la Bibliothque publique d'information et du Centre d'tude de l'criture, Universit ParisVII, ed. Anne-Marie Christin, pp. 60 - 65. Paris: Bibliothque publique d'information.

von Beckerath, Jrgen1984 Handbuch der gyptischen Knigsnamen. Mnchner gyptologische Studien 20. Munich: Deutscher

Kunstverlag.

Wilkinson, Richard H.1994 Reading Egyptian art: A hieroglyphic guide to ancient Egyptian painting and sculpture. London: Thames and

Hudson.

Image CreditsFigure 1. Lunette of private stela from reign of Amenhotep III (Louvre C54 - N208) shows the throne

name of Amenhotep III as a winged cartouche, replacing the traditional sun disc of HorusBehdety. Photograph by the author.

Figure 2. Throne name of Ramesses II written within a solar disc, resting in a solar bark. Stela Cairo JE43.690. Drawing by the author.

Figure 3. Cartouches enclosing throne and birth names of Ramesses III, venerated by princes. Temple ofMedinet Habu. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4. Cartouches adored by Aye and Tiy. Tomb of Aye, el-Amarna. From Davies (1908: pl. XXXI).

Figure 5. Cartouche of Thutmose IV. Cairo Museum. The king shown as composite emblem with falconshead, feet, and tail, and human arms; his cartouche body encloses his throne name.Iconographic version of the king slaying his enemies. Photograph by the author.

Figure 6. Cartouche of Nefertari protected by a vulture goddess. Small temple of Nefertari, Abu Simbel.This type of iconography is used for both queens and kings without distinction. Photograph bythe author.

Figure 7. Lintel of the viceroy Nehy (reign of Thutmose III). Temple of Aniba (Nubia). Nehy isvenerating the adorned cartouche of the throne name of Thutmose III. Drawing after Steindorff(1937: Vol. 2: pl. 18).

Figure 8. Cartouches of Ramesses II protected by Horus Behdety. Ramesseum. Such depictions arecommon in the New Kingdom. Photograph by the author.

Figure 9. Names of Ramesses III in a frieze from the temple of Medinet Habu. Photograph by the author.

Figure 10. Names of Ramesses IV in a frieze from the temple of Khons, Karnak. Drawing by the author.

cartouche, spieser

Documents