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CUIVRES, BRONZES ET LAITONS MÉDIÉVAUX / MEDIEVAL COPPER, BRONZE AND BRASS

Histoire, archéologie et archéométrie des productions en laiton, bronze et autres alliages à base de cuivre dans l’Europe médiévale (12e-16e siècles)

History, archaeology and archaeometry of the production of brass, bronze and other copper alloy objects in medieval Europe (12th-16th centuries)

Sous la direction de Nicolas Thomas & Pete Dandridge

Archéologie

Études et Documents

39Agence wallonne du Patrimoine

Tiré à part / Off-print

Gardner C., Martinón-Torres M., Topić N., Peković Ž., 2018, « Analysis of archaeometallurgical finds from a late to postmedieval foundry in Dubrovnik, Croatia », in Thomas N., Dandridge P. (éd.), Cuivre, bronzes et laitons médiévaux : Histoire, archéologie et archéométrie des productions en laiton, bronze et autres alliages à base de cuivre dans l’Europe médiévale (12e-16e siècles). Medieval copper, bronze and brass: History, archaeology and archaeometry of the production of brass, bronze and other copper alloy objects in medieval Europe (12th-16th centuries), [Actes du colloque de Dinant et Namur, 15-17 mai 2014. Proceedings of the symposium of Dinant and Namur, 15-17 May 2014], Namur, Agence wallonne du Patrimoine, p. 309-325. (Études et documents, Archéologie ; 39).

Archéologie

Études et Documents

39

Tous droits réservés pour tous paysDépôt légal : D/2018/14.407/19

ISBN : 978-2-39038-016-0

ÉDITEUR RESPONSABLEJean Plumier,Inspecteur général-expert

COORDINATION ÉDITORIALELiliane Henderickx

CONCEPTION GRAPHIQUE DE LA COLLECTIONKen Dethier

MISE EN PAGEFabien Cornélusse

IMPRIMERIESnel, Vottem

COUVERTUREFilon de minerai de cuivre au toit d'une galerie de la mine médiévale de Bouco-Payrol (Aveyron). Photographie : B. Léchelon.

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La série ARCHÉOLOGIE de la collection ÉTUDES ET DOCUMENTS est une publication de l'AWaP

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AvertissementDepuis le 1er janvier 2018, le Département du patrimoine de la Direction générale opérationnelle de l'aménagement du territoire, du logement, du patrimoine et de l'énergie du Service public de Wallonie, et l'Institut du Patrimoine wallon sont réunis au sein de la nouvelle Agence wallonne du Patrimoine (AWaP).

CUIVRES, BRONZES ET LAITONS MÉDIÉVAUX /MEDIEVAL COPPER, BRONZE AND BRASS



ÉTUDES ET DOCUMENTSArchéologie 39

Namur, 2018

Sous la direction deNicolas Thomas & Pete Dandridge

Actes du colloque de Dinant et Namur, 15-17 mai 2014 / Proceedings of the symposium of Dinant and Namur, 15-17 May 2014

Colloque organisé par le Service public de Wallonie et l'Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (Inrap)

Avec l'aide et le soutien : de la Maison du patrimoine médiéval mosan, du Centre culturel régional de Dinant, de la ville de Dinant, et de l'Institut européen du cuivre (Copper alliance)

Service public de WallonieDirection générale opérationnelle de

l'aménagement du territoire, du logement, du patrimoine et de l'énergie

Agence wallonne du Patrimoine

Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (Inrap)

Études et Documents Archéologie 39

Études et Documents Archéologie 39 5

TABLE DES MATIÈRES TABLE OF CONTENTS

Préface / Foreword 13Jean Plumier & Dominique Garcia

Introduction aux productions en laiton, bronze et autres alliages à base de cuivre dans l’Europe médiévale (12e-16e siècles) / Introduction to brass, bronze and other copper-based alloys in medieval Europe (12th-16thcenturies) 17

nicolas Thomas & PeTe DanDriDGe

PREMIÈRE PARTIE / PART ONE MATIÈRES PREMIÈRES ET APPROVISIONNEMENTS / RAW MATERIALS AND SUPPLIES 24

The Harz Mountains and some thoughts on the copper trade / Le massif du Harz et quelques réflexions sur le commerce du cuivre 25

BasTian asmus

Des maîtres du sous-sol aux argentiers : l'exploitation du minerai de cuivre du Midi de la France aux 12e et 13e siècles / From landlords to argentariis: copper mining in southern France in the 12th and 13th centuries 37

BernarD léchelon

L'exploitation du cuivre en Europe centrale et dans les Balkans et sa redistribution commerciale à travers les territoires croates aux 15e et 16e siècles / Copper mining in Central Europe and the Balkans and its commercial redistribution across the Croatian territory during the 15th and 16th centuries 51

saBine Florence FaBiJanec

A copper smelter in Norway from around 1300 AD: Archaeology and metallurgy, representing a four-step process / Une fonderie de cuivre en Norvège vers 1300 apr. J.-C. Archéologie et métallurgie, représentation d'un procédé en quatre étapes 65

arne esPelunD

TABLE DES MATIÈRES

6


La peine emporte-t-elle le profit ? Économie de la production du laiton par cémentation au Moyen Âge / Is the benefit worth the effort? The production of brass by cementation in the Middle Ages through an economic perspective 71

nicolas Thomas & DaviD BourGariT

Le combustible associé aux fosses de coulée de cloches médiévales : une archive des pratiques artisanales et de l'environnement. Quelques exemples de la région provençale / Fuel for bell manufacturing in the Middle Ages: a record of technical aspect of casting and of the environment. Some examples in South-eastern France 89

isaBelle GilloT, lise DamoTTe, marc Bouiron, Yann coDou & claire Delhon

Saxons in Medieval Bosnia and their heritage / Les Saxons en Bosnie au Moyen Âge et leur héritage 97

irFan TeskereDžić

DEUXIÈME PARTIE / PART TWO HOMMES ET ATELIERS / CRAFTSMEN AND WORKSHOPS 104

Les métiers du cuivre à Paris vers 1300 : topographie et étude sociale / The copper crafts in Paris around 1300: topography and social study 105

caroline BourleT & nicolas Thomas

Loin des grands centres de production, proche des usages… Un chaudronnier du 13e siècle à Douai / Far from big production centres, close to uses… A coppersmith in Douai in the 13th century 115

lise saussus & éTienne louis

Des ateliers de dinandiers à Verdun du 12e au 16e siècle / Brazier workshops in Verdun from the 12th until the 16th century 123

laurenT vermarD & nicolas Thomas

Copper alloy production in the ex Laboratori Gentili workshops in Chinzica, Pisa / Production d'objets en alliages à base de cuivre dans les ateliers ex Laboratori Gentili à Chinzica, à Pise 129

Francesco m.P. carrera



TABLE DES MATIÈRES

Copper artisans in Barcelona City (14th-16th centuries): Approached through written sources / Les artisans du cuivre à Barcelone aux 14e et 16e siècles : une approche fondée sur les sources écrites 141

lluïsa amenós

Cannon foundry workshop in late medieval Buda (Hungary) at the turn of the 15th-16th centuries / Une fonderie de canons dans la ville médiévale de Buda (Hongrie) entre le 15e et le 16e siècle 155

károlY BelénYesY

Les canonniers-fondeurs des ducs de Bourgogne. Recrutement, implantation et rapports au prince (v. 1450-1494) / Gunners and gunfounders of the dukes of Burgundy. Recruitment, establishment, and commitment to the prince (v. 1450-1494) 169

michael DePreTer

Enrichissement et ascension sociale des familles de marchands batteurs à Dinant et à Bouvignes au 15e siècle / Accumulation of wealth and upward social mobility of merchant copper beater families in Dinant and Bouvignes in the 15th century 181

Pascal sainT-amanD

Les Censore : de Bologne à Rome, une dynastie de fondeurs aux 16e et 17e siècles / The Censore : from Bologna to Rome, a 16th- and 17th-century founder dynasty 191

emmanuel lamouche

TROISIÈME PARTIE / PART THREE TECHNIQUES / TECHNIQUES 204

The Hildesheim baptismal font: A window into Medieval workshop practices / Les fonts baptismaux de Hildesheim : une fenêtre sur les pratiques des ateliers médiévaux 205

PeTe DanDriDGe

Chemo-analytical research on objects from the Hildesheim cathedral treasury / Étude physicochimique d'objets provenant du trésor de la cathédrale de Hildesheim 219

Daniel FellenGer, DoroThee kemPer, roBerT lehmann & carla voGT

8


La place des cloches dans les productions en alliages cuivreux : spécificités techniques à travers les vestiges archéologiques d'ateliers italiens / The place of bells in copper alloy production: technical specificities through the examination of archaeological vestiges of Italian workshops 227

elisaBeTTa neri & enrico GiannicheDDa

Bell casting activity in medieval Leopoli-Cencelle (Italy): technological patterns and sociocultural implications / La fonderie de cloches dans la ville médiévale de Leopoli-Cencelle, en Italie : modèles technologiques et implications socioculturelles 239

mainarDo GauDenzi asinelli

Archéologie et archéométrie du Bassinia, la fontaine médiévale de Huy (Belgique, province de Liège) / Archaeology and archaeometry of the Bassinia, the medieval fountain of Huy (Belgium, Province of Liège) 249

nicolas Thomas, caTherine PéTers, Françoise urBan & DaviD BourGariT

Brass or bronze for Medieval harp strings? / Laiton ou bronze, pour les cordes de harpe au Moyen Âge ? 257

Paul DooleY & PeTer Tiernan

Medieval and Renaissance Italian statuary copper alloys / Alliages à base de cuivre de la statuaire italienne médiévale et de la Renaissance 271

Jean-marie WelTer

Copper alloy use in 16th-century Northern Italy associated with the workshop of Severo da Ravenna / L'utilisation des alliages à base de cuivre au 16e siècle dans le nord de l'Italie, associée à l'atelier de Severo da Ravenna 285

DYlan smiTh

The lasagna method for lost wax casting of large 16th-century bronzes: searching for the sources / La variante lasagna à l'épargné de la fonte à la cire perdue des grands bronzes au 16e siècle : à la recherche des origines 297

manon casTelle, DaviD BourGariT & Francesca G. BeWer



TABLE DES MATIÈRES

Analysis of archaeometallurgical finds from a late to post-medieval foundry in Dubrovnik, Croatia / Analyse des découvertes archéométallurgiques dans une fonderie en activité à Dubrovnik, en Croatie, à la fin du Moyen Âge et au début de l'époque moderne 309

carloTTa GarDner, marcos marTinón-Torres, nikolina ToPić & želJko Peković

QUATRIÈME PARTIE / PART FOUR PRODUITS, COMMERCE ET ÉCHANGES / PRODUCTS, TRADE AND EXCHANGES 326

Engraving examples for a right way life: the Romanesque bronze bowls in Vercelli / Trois bassins en bronze de style roman à Vercelli : différents exemples de gravures sur la vertu 327

silvia Faccin

L'utilisation des alliages cuivreux dans les mécanismes de serrure et de cadenas entre le 8e et le 16e siècle / The use of copper alloys in locks and padlocks between the 9th and 16th centuries 335

maThieu linlauD

Les lutrins en laiton dits anglais. Approches technique et archivistique / Brass lecterns so-called English. Technical and archival approaches 347

monique De rueTTe

Late medieval brass eagle lecterns: historical and geographical context / Aigle-lutrins en laiton de la fin du Moyen Âge : contexte historique et géographique 357

chrisToPher Green & roDerick BuTler

Relief copper alloy tombs in medieval Europe: image, identity and reception / Les tombeaux de cuivre en relief dans l'Europe médiévale : image, identité et réception 365

soPhie oosTerWiJk & sallY BaDham

Monumental dinanderie: Achievement and tradition of metal sculpture in the Low Countries in the late Gothic and Renaissance period / Dinanderie monumentale : réalisation et tradition de sculptures en métal aux Pays-Bas à la fin de l'ère gothique et à la Renaissance 377

lisa Wiersma

10


Brass in the Medieval Islamic World & contact with Europe / Le laiton dans le monde islamique médiéval et les contacts avec l'Europe 387

susan la niece

De métal et de terre : concurrence, emprunts et influences dans la vaisselle, du Moyen Âge à l'époque moderne, à partir d'exemples de la mer du Nord à la Méditerranée / Of metal and clay: competition, borrowings and influences in crockery, from the Middle Ages to the Modern Age, based on examples from the North Sea to the Mediterranean 395

soPhie challe, FaBienne ravoire, caTherine richarTé-manFreDi & nicolas Thomas

Adresses de contact des auteurs / Contact adresses of the authors 411

Comité scientifique du colloque et évaluateurs des articles / Scientific committee of the symposium and reviewers of the articles 416



Du 15 au 17 mai 2014, s'est tenu à Dinant et à Namur le colloque international Histoire, archéologie et archéométrie des productions en laiton, bronze et autres alliages à base de cuivre dans l'Europe médiévale (12e-16e siècles). Ces journées font partie d'un programme de recherches autour des productions en alliage à base de cuivre de la vallée de la Meuse mené conjointement par le Service Public de Wallonie, (Belgique) et l'Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (Inrap, France).

Ce partenariat réunissant les deux principaux acteurs de la recherche archéologique des deux côtés de la frontière a également abouti à la pré-sentation au grand public d'une exposition L'or des dinandiers : Fondeurs et batteurs mosans au Moyen Âge, à la Maison du patrimoine médiéval mosan, entre les mois de mars et novembre de la même année. Cette année 2014 fut également l'Année de l'archéologie en Wallonie « Archéo 2014 », célébrant les 25 ans de régionalisation de la compétence archéologique en Belgique. C'est dans ce programme de festivités que le colloque et l'exposition ont pris naturellement place, offrant à un large public les résultats des recherches entreprises. On ne peut que se réjouir aujourd'hui que les Actes de ce colloque paraissent dans la foulée de la restructuration de l'Administration wallonne en charge du Patrimoine. En effet, dans les missions de la nouvelle Agence wallonne du Patrimoine sont maintenus les volets « études, recherches et publications » aux côtés des missions réga-liennes et opérationnelles menées antérieure-ment par le Département du Patrimoine du SPW et l'Institut du Patrimoine wallon.

Le travail du cuivre et de ses alliages pourrait paraître un sujet extrêmement pointu, d'autant plus pour la période restreinte entre les 12e et 16e siècles, limites chronologiques données par le colloque. Et pourtant, cette manifestation a réuni pendant trois jours plus d'une centaine

PRÉFACE

During 15-17 May, 2014, the international sym-posium History, Archeology and Archeometry of Brass, Bronze and Other Copper-Based Alloys in Medieval Europe (12th-16th centuries) was held in Dinant and Namur. The meeting was part of a research program focused on the copper-based alloy productions of the Meuse Valley jointly conducted by the Public Service of Wallonia (Belgium) and the National Institute for Preventive Archaeological Research (Inrap, France).

The partnership, which brings together the two main archaeological research communities on either side of the border, was responsible as well for the exhibition, L'or des dinandiers: Fondeurs et batteurs mosans au Moyen Âge, which was intended for the general public and installed at the Mosan Medieval Heritage Centre between March and November of 2014. 2014 was also the "Year of Archaeology" in Wallonia (Archéo 2014), celebrating the 25th anniversary of the regionalization of archaeology in Belgium. It was within this program of festivities that the symposium and the exhibition naturally took place serving to present the results of their research to a wider audience. We are now delighted that the proceedings of this symposium are being published following the restructuring of Wallonia's heritage authorities. Indeed, it is the mission of the new Wallonia Heritage Agency (AWaP) to sustain a program of study, research and publications, while continuing to be responsible for the governance and operational duties previously performed by the Heritage Department of the SPW and the Wallonia Heritage Institute.

An investigation of copper and its alloys might seem a highly specific subject, espe-cially when restricted to the period between the 12th and 16th centuries, the chronological limit set for the symposium. And yet, this event gathered together for three days over a hundred participants from across Europe,

FOREWORD

14


de participants venus des quatre coins de l'Europe, et même d'autres continents, invi-tés à partager leurs travaux les plus récents à travers une soixantaine de communications dont trente-quatre sont réunies dans le présent ouvrage.

Les contributions rassemblées autour du cuivre, sous la forme de matière première ou d'objets constituant une part importante de la culture matérielle de la période, mettent en évi-dence de nombreux angles d'approche, variés et complémentaires. La diversité des chercheurs concernés (archéologues, historiens, histo-riens de l'art, métallurgistes, restaurateurs et chimistes) ont permis de confronter les nom-breuses sources et les multiples méthodes dans un objectif partagé, démontrant une fois encore l'intérêt d'une approche interdisciplinaire et la nécessité d'un dialogue permanent entre experts d'horizons différents.

Dans la préface de ce recueil, nous tenons à remercier tous les chercheurs qui ont accepté de partager leurs recherches, la « Cellule Events » de la DGO4 qui a pris en charge l'organisation opérationnelle et logistique de la manifestation, mais aussi Nicolas Thomas et Pete Dandridge pour avoir réuni ces travaux jusqu'à la publi-cation de ce livre. La Maison du patrimoine médiéval mosan, en particulier Claire-Marie Vandermensbrugghe, sa directrice, et le Centre culturel régional de Dinant, la ville de Dinant et l'Institut européen du cuivre ont apporté leur aide logistique et financière dans le cadre de l'organisation du colloque.

Enfin, puisse cette publication augurer d'un développement des liens de coopération entre nos deux institutions, l'AWaP et l'Inrap, qui, outre le fait qu'elles relèvent toutes deux du Service public, ont des intérêts communs évi-dents à partager leurs compétences et savoir-faire, tant dans l'acquisition des données que dans leur exploitation et leur restitution.

Nous n'oublions pas que ces perspectives organisées au plus haut niveau de nos institu-tions passent par des liens humains forts de respect, de confiance, voire d'amitié parfois,

and even other continents, to share their most recent work in sixty presentations of which thirty-four are in this book.

The contributions in this compilation all address the subject of copper, as a raw mate-rial or in the form of objects representing an important part of the material culture of the period, and highlight the many varied and complementary approaches taken to its study. The diversity of the researchers involved (archaeologists, historians, art historians, metallurgists, conservators, and chemists) enabled them to exchange their varied sources and methodologies toward a common goal, demonstrating once again the value of an interdisciplinary approach and the need for ongoing dialogue between experts from dif-ferent backgrounds.

In the preface to this collection of papers, we would like to thank all the researchers who have been kind enough to share their research, the Events Department of DG04 which was responsible for the organization and logistics associated with the event, and also Nicolas Thomas and Pete Dandridge for compiling these works and preparing them for publication in this book. The Mosan Medieval Heritage Centre, particularly its manager Claire-Marie Vandermensbrugghe, and the Regional Cultural Centre in Dinant, the Dinant City Council and the European Copper Institute provided logistical and finan-cial assistance during the organisation of the symposium.

Finally, we hope this publication augers well for the development of a close collaborative relationship between our two institutions, the AWaP and INRAP, which, in addition to both being public services, have an obvious common interest in sharing their skills and expertise both in the acquisition of data and in its exploitation and dissemination.

We are well aware that these possibilities, organised at the highest levels of our insti-tutions, create strong relationships based on respect, trust, and sometimes friendship,



Préface

entre des femmes et des hommes qui unissent leur passion pour la recherche et s'épanouissent dans leur travail dans l'intérêt général.

Jean Plumier

insPecTeur Général-exPerT De l' aWaP General insPecTor Wallonia heriTaGe aGencY

namur, BelGique

between men and women, who share their passion for research and thrive in the work they undertake in the publics' interest.

Dominique Garcia

PrésiDenT exécuTiF De l'inraP

execuTive PresiDenT oF inraP Paris, France



Aujourd'hui, il est bien difficile de poser un regard sur notre monde sans y déceler la pré-sence, cachée ou non, du cuivre ou d'un de ses alliages. Ce métal est littéralement partout : dans tous les circuits électriques, les canalisa-tions de nos maisons, dans nos voitures, trains, avions… Ce ne sont là que quelques exemples. Au Moyen Âge, le cuivre et ses alliages semblent afficher une présence plus discrète. Le métal le plus répandu est le fer qui constitue l'essentiel des métaux transformés, produits et consom-més dans les villes comme dans les campagnes. Toutefois, entre les 12e et 16e siècles, la place du cuivre dans l'Europe médiévale n'en est pas moins remarquable : de Salerne à Londres, de Novgorod à Paris, il est présent sur tous les costumes sous forme de paillettes, de clous décoratifs, de boucles de ceinture et autres accessoires du costume. Il s'introduit progres-sivement dans toutes les cuisines comme pots à cuire, chaudrons ou poêles, dans les maisons plus ou moins cossues, même dans celles de la classe laborieuse. On le trouve sur la table quand il est chandelier, aiguière ou encore bassin pour se laver les mains. Les inventaires après décès et les testaments en témoignent.

Nombre de petits objets comme ceux de moyennes dimensions, de quelques grammes à quelques kilogrammes, sont des productions de masse réalisées en série, exportées sur de longues distances et participant à l'économie globale de l'Occident tout en formant un hori-zon culturel commun. Difficile de trouver une fouille archéologique sans plusieurs boucles de ceinture trouvées dans les niveaux du Bas Moyen Âge, un péage où les articles de batterie ne font pas l'objet de taxation, une foire où l'on ne voit un étal de vaisselle de cuivre. À Paris même, aux Champeaux, les chaudronniers disposent

INTRODUCTION AUX PRODUCTIONS EN LAITON, BRONZE ET AUTRES ALLIAGES À BASE DE CUIVRE DANS L’EUROPE MÉDIÉVALE (12E-16E SIÈCLES)

nicolas Thomas & PeTe DanDriDGe

Today, it is very difficult to look at our world without discovering the presence, hidden or not, of copper or one of its alloys. Copper is literally everywhere. For example, it can be found in all electrical circuits, in the pipes of our houses, and in our cars, trains, and planes. In the Middle Ages, copper and its alloys seem to have had a more discreet presence. The most widespread metal was iron, which constituted the bulk of the metals processed, produced and consumed in medieval cities as well as in the countryside. However, between the 12th and 16th centuries in medieval Europe, the status of copper and its alloys was no less remarkable: from Salerno to London, from Novgorod to Paris, it was present on all clothing as pins, mounts, belt buckles and other dress acces-sories. It was gradually introduced into every kitchen, in the houses of the wealthier classes as well as in those of the working class, in the form of cooking pots, cauldrons and pans, and it found its way onto dining tables as candles-ticks, ewers, or basins for washing hands. Wills and probate inventories bear witness to these multiple object types.

Many small to medium sized objects, from a few grams to a few kilograms, were mass produced in series and exported over long distances as part of the global economy of the West contributing to the formation of a com-mon cultural perspective. For the late Middle Ages, it is difficult to find an archaeological excavation that does not contain several belt buckles, a tax roll in which dinanderie is not listed, or a record of a fair without a stall of copperware. In Paris, in the Champeaux area, boilermakers had a covered market along the Rue de la Ferronnerie from the end of the 13th century on. For their trade in England,

INTRODUCTION TO BRASS, BRONZE AND OTHER COPPER-

BASED ALLOYS IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE (12TH-16TH CENTURIES)

18


d'une halle le long de la rue de la Ferronnerie dès la fin du 13e siècle. Pour leur commerce en Angleterre, les Dinantais, considérés comme marchands de la Hanse teutonique, possèdent là leur entrepôt au bord de la Tamise, sur les quais de Londres.

À ces productions s'opposent d'autres aux caractéristiques non moins spectaculaires : le métal devient ostentatoire. Dans les églises, les bénitiers, crosses, croix, chandeliers, lutrins, fonts baptismaux, encensoirs, ciboires mais aussi portes, colonnes, lames funéraires ou encore cloches donnent à voir ou à entendre. Au sommet des beffrois, cloches et carillons participent aussi à renforcer le prestige des villes les plus opulentes. Le cuivre brille sur les toits, comme couverture ou, plus modestement, comme girouette des édifices civils ou aristocratiques. À Goslar, à Pérouse ou encore à Huy, le cuivre se métamorphose en fontaines, à Rome ou ailleurs en statues… Ces utilisations, qu'elles soient plus ou moins répandues ou exceptionnelles, ont un point commun : ce sont des productions sur commande. Même si l'on peut percevoir ici et là des indices de série, le plus souvent, ces œuvres sont l'aboutissement d'un lien direct entre un commanditaire, ecclésiastique, aristocratique, ou la ville elle-même, et un fabricant.

On trouve aussi le cuivre et ses alliages dans nombre d'artisanats et d'activités particulières : chaudières pour les brasseurs, les teinturiers et les étuves, mesures et balances pour le commerce des denrées vendues au poids ou en volume, mortiers et alambics chez l'apothicaire, sous forme de fil pour les formes à papier ou dans les instruments de musique… Moins pacifique, et requérant des quantités de métal toujours croissantes entre le milieu du 14e et le 15e siècle, le cuivre allié à l'étain se fait canon, bombarde, couleuvrine, fauconneau…

Les emplois très diversifiés du cuivre, allié à l'étain, au zinc et au plomb, dans des proportions variables, sont d'abord dus aux propriétés phy-siques et mécaniques de ces multiples alliages. Ils possèdent une excellente conductibilité thermique, appréciée pour les chaudrons, poêles et chaudières, mais aussi une résistance à la

the Dinant merchants, treated as part of the Hanseatic League, possessed their own ware-house on a London quay on the banks of the Thames.

Apart from these utilitarian products, there were others that were no less spectacular; indeed, the metal came to serve ostentatious purposes. Copper alloy stoups, croziers, crosses, candlesticks, lecterns, baptismal fonts, censers, and ciboria were introduced into churches along with doors, columns, funerary effigies and bells. These objects were intended to be seen as well as heard. From the top of the belfries, bells and carillons also helped to announce the prestige of the most opulent cities. Copper shone on the roofs, as a covering layer or, more modestly, as a weather vane for civic or aristocratic build-ings. In Goslar, Perugia and Huy, copper was transformed into fountains or, in Rome and elsewhere, into statues. All of these forms of copper had one thing in common, whether or not they were generic or unique: they were all made to order. Even if one can find evidence for occasional series production, most often, these works resulted from a direct link between a sponsor—ecclesiastical, aristocratic, or the city itself—and a manufacturer.

Copper and its alloys were also utilized in many craft and specialist activities: boilers for brewers, dyers and public baths; measures and scales for the sale of food sold by weight or volume; mortars and alembics for the apothe-cary; wires for deckles used in paper making or for musical instruments. Serving less peaceful purposes was the ever increasing amount of copper alloyed with tin that was used between the middle of the 14th and the 15th century for the manufacture of cannons, mortars, culverins, and falconets.

The very diverse uses of copper, often alloyed with tin, zinc and lead in varying proportions, are due to the physical and mechanical proper-ties of its multiple alloys. Their excellent thermal conductivity is advantageous for use in pots, pans and boilers while also being highly resistant to corrosion. The colour range is extensive: red to pink and yellow for brasses with the variation



IntroductIon aux ProductIons en laIton, bronze et autres allIages à base de cuIvre dans l’euroPe médIévale (12e-16e sIècles)

corrosion. La gamme de couleur de ces alliages est étendue : du rouge au rose et jusqu'au jaune plus ou moins soutenu en fonction de la teneur en zinc pour les laitons. Cet éclat proche de l'or a rendu ces laitons très attractifs pour la parure, pour le mobilier de la maison, celui dont on fait étalage, ou encore pour de plus grandes œuvres décoratives. Le cuivre peut aussi être doré pour afficher une surface plus opulente. L'attrait est également à chercher dans les propriétés méca-niques comme la résistance au choc : un chau-dron de bronze est autrement plus robuste que son homologue en terre cuite. Les techniques de mise en forme sont variées, notamment par déformation plastique. Le cuivre est malléable et ductile, certains de ses alliages également. La plupart de ces matériaux peuvent être travaillés à froid, par martelage ou étirage pour les mettre en feuille ou en fil. Ils possèdent la faculté d'être mis en œuvre par fonderie, par coulage dans des moules. En plus du polissage donnant de la brillance, ces alliages sont usinables : ils peuvent subir des enlèvements de matière par ciselage, ou encore par alésage, par exemple pour les canons, les pièces d'horlogerie ou les instruments scien-tifiques. Le bronze, avec une concentration en étain autour de 20 %, sonne de façon remar-quable, ce qui en fait le matériau incontournable pour les cloches ou les cymbales. Enfin, le cuivre et ses alliages sont facilement recyclables par fonderie. Toutes ces propriétés ont été exploitées au Moyen Âge.

Du fait de ses propriétés physico-chimiques, le cuivre est un métal demi noble, intermédiaire entre le fer et les métaux précieux. Il bénéficie d'une position similaire du point de vue de sa disponibilité et de sa valeur intrinsèque. La matière première est accessible, mais pas partout. L'Europe possède quelques grands gisements et de maints autres plus modestes, mais rien de comparable avec le fer tant du point de vue du nombre que de celui des conditions d'accès au minerai nettement plus aisées pour ce métal plus commun. Pour la période, les mines les plus importantes se trouvent en Allemagne, en Suède et en Italie. De fait, une fois les minerais transformés en métal, le cuivre voyage beaucoup en Europe, parfois sur de longues distances. Même si le recyclage très organisé dans les

principally based upon the zinc content. This gold-like luster makes brasses very attractive for finery, furniture that has pride of place in the home, and large decorative works. Copper can also be gilded to create an even more opulent surface. The alloys' attractions are also attrib-utable to their mechanical properties, such as impact resistance—a bronze cauldron is more robust than its terracotta counterpart. Copper and some of its alloys are both malleable and ductile. Their ability to be plastically deformed allows their shaping by varied techniques. Most can be cold worked by hammering, formed in sheet or wire, or cast by pouring into molds. In addition, these alloys can be polished to a high shine, chiseled to remove material, and in the instance of guns, timepieces or scientific instruments, machined or bored. Bronze with a concentration of around 20% tin resounds remarkably, making it the essential material for bells and cymbals. Finally, copper and its alloys are easily recyclable by the foundry. All these properties were exploited in the Middle Ages.

Because of its physicochemical properties, copper is a semi-noble metal, intermediate between iron and precious metals. It enjoys a similar position relative to its availability and intrinsic value. The raw material is accessible but is not found everywhere. Europe has some large deposits and many more modest ones, but noth-ing comparable with iron ore in terms of supply and accessibility. During the medieval period, the largest mines were in Germany, Sweden and Italy. Therefore, once the minerals were turned into metal, copper was traded throughout Europe, sometimes over long distances. Even if recycling was well organized in the cities to ensure a part of their required supply, the increasing trade in goods and ever increasing needs of the market meant there was always a demand for fresh metal. From the 12th century, the search for new mines intensified throughout Europe. The metal was sought for itself, but its ores were also valued for more than just their copper content. At times copper ore was argen-tiferous, so copper became a byproduct of the extraction of silver, a coveted metal required to meet the monetary needs accompanying eco-nomic growth and trade.

20


1 We do distinguish here between the algorithmic know-how and embodied know-how. Algorithmic know-how is guided by algorithms that are easily segmented and transmitted, e.g. through texts. Embodied know-how depends on personal expe-rience and is difficult to divide into sequences: it is instead acquired by learning through practice and imitation.

villes assure une partie des approvisionnements, la diffusion croissante des productions et les besoins toujours plus importants créent une demande en métal neuf. À partir du 12e siècle, les recherches minières s'intensifient partout en Europe. Le métal est recherché pour lui-même, mais pas seulement. Parfois argentifère, le cuivre devient alors un sous-produit de l'argent, ce dernier métal étant convoité pour satisfaire les besoins en création monétaire accompagnant la croissance économique et les échanges.

Du matériau au produit, les conditions sont réunies pour qu'un véritable marché se développe à une échelle globale. Néanmoins, il manque à ce tableau brossé à grands traits les capacités tech-niques des moyens de production pour satisfaire la demande. Accompagnant le développement des villes où se concentrent à la fois la consom-mation et la production, les métiers s'organisent lentement au 12e et surtout au 13e siècle. Pour le travail du métal, partout en Europe, la tendance est à la spécialisation des métiers. Si l'archéologie vient parfois nuancer cette image donnée par les sources écrites, les fouilles d'ateliers métallurgiques permettent aussi de mieux appréhender les techniques et les savoir-faire, notamment au moyen de l'étude des chaînes opératoires et de l'analyse des objets et des déchets. On constate une standardisation des alliages, du moins pour la fonderie, une concentration des savoir-faire dans les mains de quelques-uns en même temps qu'une hiérarchisation au sein des ateliers et enfin une rationalisation permettant des productions à bas coût. À l'extrême, ces transformations de l'activité de mise en forme des objets favorisent la naissance d'un salariat et la mainmise du capitalisme marchand sur certains ateliers tournés vers les grands marchés d'exportation. L'adaptation des techniques au marché se fait par une algorithmisation toujours plus intense des savoir-faire et une segmentation

From raw material to finished product, the conditions were right to develop a significant market on a global scale. However, what was missing from this broadly painted picture, was the technical capability of production to satisfy demand. Accompanying the development of cities where both consumption and production were concentrated, trades were gradually orga-nized into guilds during the 12th and especially the 13th centuries. For metalworking, the trend throughout Europe was towards the specializa-tion of trades. Archaeology sometimes provides a more nuanced view than the written records, while the excavations of metallurgical work-shops, the study of their production processes and the analysis of their associated objects and wastes also help us better to understand the underlying techniques and knowledge. There was a standardization of alloys, at least for the foundry, a concentration of knowledge in a few hands, a workshop hierarchy, as well as a rational production process that minimized costs. In the extreme, these transformations in the activity of shaping objects promoted the emergence of a wage earning society, and the domination of certain workshops governed by mercantile capi-talism and geared toward major export markets. The transformation of production techniques suited to this market was marked by an increase in algorithmic know-how and a segmentation in production processes especially noticeable in the manufacture of objects of little value and in the foundry.1 In contrast, the creation of custom-made products and the maintenance and repair of objects offered opportunities for local markets to grow in cities. And finally, workshops were not always permanent but could move according to changing demands and needs.

At the end of the Middle Ages, several import-ant innovations gradually spread through Europe

1 Nous faisons ici la distinction entre les savoir-faire algorithmisés et ceux incorporés. Un savoir-faire algorithmisé est fondé sur la maîtrise d'algorithmes facilement décomposables et transmissibles notamment par un texte. Un savoir-faire incorporé résulte de l'expérience personnelle et peut difficile-ment être décomposé en séquences. La transmis-sion se fait par l'apprentissage et le mimétisme.



des chaînes opératoires que l'on remarque surtout dans la production d'objets de peu de valeur ou dans la fonderie1. À l'opposé, les productions sur commande, mais aussi l'entretien et la réparation de la vaisselle, offrent l'opportunité à un marché de proximité de s'accroître dans les villes. En outre, l'atelier n'est pas toujours un lieu fixe, il peut se déplacer au gré des commandes et des besoins.

À la fin du Moyen Âge, plusieurs innovations importantes vont progressivement se diffuser en Europe et modifier peu à peu les structures de l'industrie du cuivre. Le four à réverbère, dont le lieu comme la date d'apparition demeurent flous, se généralise au cours du 16e siècle. Ce type de structure fonctionne par convection, et donc sans soufflet, et le bain de métal placé dans un large bassin est séparé du foyer. Il permet de fondre des quantités de métal en une seule fois toujours plus importantes, jusqu'à plusieurs tonnes, tout en contrôlant plus efficacement toutes les étapes de la fusion du métal jusqu'à la coulée. Sans doute l'essor et les besoins de l'artillerie de bronze sont-ils à l'origine de ce progrès dans la fonderie. La mécanisation ensuite, alors que l'énergie hydraulique est largement utilisée durant les 14e et 15e siècles dans la métallurgie du fer, et plus marginalement pour le cuivre, le martinet à cuivre se propage dans toute l'Europe seulement à la fin de la période. Ce recours à cette énergie conduit à délocaliser le battage du cuivre, les affineries, voire la fabrication de produits finis ou de semi-produits, loin des villes, dans des vallées. Enfin, du côté des mines, la mécanisation s'étend aux opérations minéralurgiques avec le bocard concassant le minerai. L'appareil s'améliore significativement entre la deuxième moitié du 15e siècle et au cours du 16e siècle. Autre innovation, le Saigerprocess, procédé de traitement du cuivre argentifère par liquation et ressuage, est mis au point et perfectionné en Allemagne au milieu du 15e siècle. Le procédé permettant d'extraire encore plus efficacement l'argent du cuivre, et donc l'exploitation de gisements jugés avant peu rentables, nécessite de nombreuses opérations métallurgiques successives, et des investissements très lourds largement documentés par le livre XI du De re

and, little by little, changed the organization of the copper industry. The reverberatory furnace, whose place of origin and date of appearance remain unclear, came in general use during the 16th century. It works by convection, therefore without bellows, and the metal is melted in a large bowl separate from the hearth. It can melt larger quantities of metal in one go, up to several tons, while controlling more effectively all stages from the metal's melting to its casting. No doubt the increasing demand for bronze artillery was the impetus behind this advance in the founding process. While hydropower was widely used during the 14th and 15th centuries in iron metal-lurgy, and more marginally for copper, its mech-anization of power hammers for copper tended to become more extensive throughout Europe only at the end of the period. The introduction of this form of energy production led to the relocation of copper hammering, refining, and even, to the manufacturing of finished products or semi-products to valleys far from the cities. Finally, on the mining side, mechanization extended to mineralogical operations with the ore being crushed by the bocard or stamping mill, a machine that improved significantly in the second half of the 15th century and during the 16th century. Another innovation was the Saigerprozess for the treatment of silvered cop-per by liquation and drying, which was devel-oped and perfected in Germany in the mid 15th century. The process provided a more efficient method of extracting silver from copper depos-its previously judged to be unprofitable, but it required successive metallurgical operations and a significant investment of funds. The pro-cess is largely documented in book XI of De re metallica (1556) by Georgius Agricola where a real factory is described with specific furnaces, very specialized machines, and distinct knowl-edge. The quantities treated are considerable and had no equivalent in the previous centuries. The process undoubtedly contributed to the colossal fortune of the Augsburg banker and business-man Jacob Fugger.

At the end of this short introduction to the proceedings of this conference, a vast subject emerges, albeit chronologically limited to a few centuries. It was not the objective of the

IntroductIon aux ProductIons en laIton, bronze et autres allIages à base de cuIvre dans l’euroPe médIévale (12e-16e sIècles)

22


metallica (1556) de Georgius Agricola. C'est une véritable usine qui est décrite, avec des fours spécifiques, des machines très spécialisées et des savoir-faire particuliers. Les quantités traitées deviennent considérables et n'ont pas d'équi-valent durant les siècles antérieurs. Le procédé contribua sans nul doute à la fortune, colossale pour l'époque, du banquier et homme d'affaires Jacob Fugger d'Augsbourg.

Au terme de cette courte introduction aux actes de ce colloque, émerge un sujet très vaste, même limité chronologiquement à quelques siècles. L'objectif de ces journées n'était d'ail-leurs pas d'épuiser la question, tant les angles d'approche sont à la fois variés et nombreux. Aux sources écrites abondantes, comme les comptes, les inventaires, les testaments ou encore les trai-tés techniques, s'ajoutent les données fournies par différentes disciplines, en particulier par l'ar-chéologie préventive et par l'archéométrie. Les données et les travaux se sont multipliés partout en Europe, il semblait donc utile de réunir les chercheurs et spécialistes de cette métallurgie du cuivre afin de dresser un bilan, même partiel de ces recherches.

Dans la vallée de la Meuse, Dinant et sa sœur Bouvignes sont des centres de production d'objets en cuivre, en bronze et en laiton, qui inondent de chaudrons, bassins et chandeliers, une bonne partie de l'Europe durant tout le Bas Moyen Âge, et même au-delà. À partir de 1466 et de la destruction de Dinant par Charles le Téméraire, duc de Bourgogne, de nombreux fondeurs et batteurs se réfugient et s'installent alors à Namur. Entre les 16e et 18e siècles, de cette dernière ville mosane, ce sont des milliers de chaudrons qui partent vers le Nouveau Monde comme objets de traite, via les ports d'Anvers puis de La Rochelle. Les villes de Dinant et de Namur étaient donc tout à fait appropriées pour accueillir un tel rassemblement autour des productions en cuivre au Moyen Âge.

symposium to exhaust the question, as the approaches to the subject are both varied and numerous. To the abundant written sources, such as accounts, inventories, wills, and technical treaties, are added the data provided by different disciplines, in particular preventive archaeology and archaeometry. As data and investigations have accumulated throughout Europe, it seemed useful to bring together specialists in copper metallurgy to draw up an assessment, even if only partial, of the current state of research.

Throughout the late Middle Ages and even beyond, Dinant and its sister city Bouvignes, both in the valley of the Meuse, were centres of production of objects in copper, bronze and brass which flooded the markets of a good part of Europe with cauldrons, basins and candle-sticks. With the destruction of Dinant in 1466 by Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, many founders and coppersmiths took refuge and then settled in Namur. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, thousands of cauldrons left this Mosan city via Antwerp's harbour and then La Rochelle to end up in the New World as objects of trade. The cities of Dinant and Namur were therefore highly appropriate to host this sympo-sium around copper productions in the Middle Ages.

3 TROISIÈME PARTIE / PART THREETECHNIQUES / TECHNIQUES



ANALYSIS OF ARCHAEOMETALLURGICAL FINDS FROM A LATE TO POST-MEDIEVAL FOUNDRY IN DUBROVNIK, CROATIA /ANALYSE DES DÉCOUVERTES ARCHÉOMÉTALLURGIQUES DANS UNE FONDERIE EN ACTIVITÉ À DUBROVNIK, EN CROATIE, À LA FIN DU MOYEN ÂGE ET AU DÉBUT DE L'ÉPOQUE MODERNE

carloTTa GarDner1, marcos marTinón-Torres2, nikolina ToPić3 & želJko Peković4

ABSTRACT

This paper outlines the results of an archaeometallurgical study of the remains of a well-preserved late to postmedieval foundry excavated in 2005 and 2008 in the northwest corner of Dubrovnik's historic centre. During this period, Dubrovnik constituted the independent Republic of Ragusa, and was famed for its wealth and democracy. The building of the foundry, in the mid-15th century, marks a significant period of change and represents a phase where industrial activity within the city was beginning to flourish. The investigation suggests that both ferrous and non-ferrous metals were cast in the foundry, using sand as the predominant molding material. Evidence suggests a range of objects, most probably associated with ordnance, were cast within the foundry. The material and objects found within the excavations place the foundry within the wider context of the Ragusan trading sphere.

Keywords: foundry, sand casting, crucibles, ferrous metallurgy, non-ferrous metallurgy

RÉSUMÉ

Cet article donne un aperçu des résultats d'une étude archéométallurgique réalisée sur les vestiges bien conservés d'une fonderie en activité à la fin du Moyen Âge et au début de l'époque moderne, fouillée en 2005 et 2008 à l'extrémité nord-ouest du centre historique de Dubrovnik, qui forme à l'époque la République indépendante de Raguse et est célèbre pour sa richesse et sa démocratie. La construction de la fonderie, au milieu du 15e siècle, témoigne d'une période significative de changements et repré-sente une phase où l'activité industrielle commence à fleurir dans la ville. Les recherches suggèrent que des métaux aussi bien ferreux que non-ferreux étaient coulés dans la fonderie, le sable étant la principale matière à mouler. Tout porte à croire que la fonderie produit toute une série d'articles, très probablement liés à l'artillerie. Les matériaux et les objets retrouvés lors des fouilles inscrivent la fonderie dans le contexte plus large de la sphère commerciale de Raguse.

Mots-clés : fonderie, fonte au sable, creusets, métallurgie du fer, métallurgie des non-ferreux

1 The Fitch Laboratory, The British School at Athens, Athens, Greece.

2 Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom.

3 Omega engineering d.o.o., Dubrovnik, Croatia.

4 Department of Art History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Split, Split, Croatia.

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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. The Republic of Ragusa

Between 1358 and 1808, Dubrovnik constituted the Republic of Ragusa. The Republic was famed for its commercial wealth and diplomatic rela-tionships with its less than stable neighbours (Carter, 1971; Foretić, 1980). Prosperity was first brought to the Republic by land trade with its Eastern European neighbours, and later, through developed trading relationships with the Mediterranean and others further afield (Wingfield, 1859). By the 14th century, Ragusa had become one of the principal ports of the eastern coast of the Adriatic (Carter, 1971). Wingfield (1859, p. 240) quotes a contemporary writer who describes the extent of the Ragusan trading sphere during its most prosperous period:

…no part of Europe so concealed so hostile to strangers, that you did not find there the Ragusan merchant.

The import and export of raw mate-rials formed the basis of Ragusa's wealth both commercially and monetarily. Villari (1904) believed that the main motivation for this extensive trading network was that the Republic's territory was too small and arid to provide sufficient foodstuffs for the population; and therefore, it had to seek its resources elsewhere. Along with importing three quarters of its annual grain, the Republic also imported and exported a number of raw materials and manufactured goods. Salt, textiles, and mineral exports were the main source of income, with metallic ores and their products playing an important role.

Ragusa exploited and monopolised the mines of their Balkan neighbours in the 14th and the 15th centuries, with particular focus in present-day Bosnia, Serbia, and Kosovo, and continued that practice with the metal ores from the Balkan hinterland into the 16th and the 17th centuries (Kovačević, 1961; Hrabak, 1984). The ores were extracted from the mines and smelted on site. The semi-refined metal

was then transported across land routes to Dubrovnik where it was exported either in that state or after further refining. Silver and lead were the main metallic exports and were traded across the vast networks developed by the republic, with Italian states and the Levant the main receivers of the refined silver and lead (Carter, 1971; Kovačević, 1961). The export of copper is not as well documented; however, there is information to suggest that its ores were being mined in both Bosnia and Serbia at Olovo, Srebrenica, and Rudnik (Kovačević, 1961), and, perhaps, in Bulgaria too at Chiprovits and Kratovo (Kortepeter, 1966).

It was not until the 14th century that Ragusa established any industries other than shipbuil-ding (Carter, 1972). An inventory during this more industrial period (Roller, 1951; Carter, 1972, p. 317) shows that the most valued industry, besides shipbuilding, was that of:

...the furnaces and molds of bell-founders and other metalworkers.

There is evidence in the state archives that indicates metal casting was taking place within the town with the documents mentioning two famous Ragusan casters, Paskoje Miličević and Ivan Rabljanin, who produced ordnance. The ordnance was cast for the Republic—according to records from 1524-1525, Ragusa was in posses-sion of 425 cannons— as well as for Naples, Sicily, Barcelona, Bari, Treviso, and the Spanish fleet (Muljević, 1999). During excavations in 2005 and 2007-2008, a foundry dating to this more industrial period was unearthed. It is this late to postmedieval foundry that will form the focus of this paper.

1.2. The Ragusan foundry

The foundry was established in the northwestern corner of Dubrovnik (fig. 1) and was surroun-ded by the Minčeta tower on the north, the city wall on the west, south and east sides, and the Upper corner tower in the southwest corner. The complex comprises an area of 550 m2.

311Études et Documents

Archéologie 39

In the 13th century, before the foundry was built, the area was a steep and rocky corner of the city and was named Tanglie (Pliers). In the 14th century, the Minčeta tower and Upper Corner tower were built, and in the 15th century, the area was enclosed

by the building of a connecting wall and filled with sterile earth and levelled. This was a suitable loca-tion for the foundry workshop, since the complex was hidden from enemies, and the citizens of the city were protected from the risk of foundry fires.

Fig. 1Plan showing the position of the foundry and the phases of development in the northwest part of the city walls (PeKovIć & toPIć, 2011, p. 269, fig. 3).

analysIs of archaeometallurgIcal fInds from a late- to Post-medIeval foundry In dubrovnIK, croatIa

312


The foundry was in use, with some inter-ruptions, from the late 15th century until the Great Earthquake in 1667. The area was used as a landfill site after the earthquake and it was partially filled with rubble from nearby houses. Despite this, the foundry continued to be used in an improvised manner until it was completely backfilled in the 18th century. The foundry can be divided into several workshop zones (fig. 2) described in detail below (Peković et al., 2008; Milošević et al., 2009; Peković & Topić, 2011).

1.2.1. Zone A

Zone A is located on the eastern side of the Upper Tower. Four furnaces exist in this zone,

although, only the lower part of each furnace is preserved. Three are circular in plan and the fourth is rectangular (fig. 3). They are all built of stone, brick, and roof tiles, and are bonded with reddish mortar. The circular furnaces were open at the top and possibly wood-fired—there are descriptions of wood-fired furnaces in this period (Debeuc, 1957, p. 5-6, p. 141-146). A system of tuyères, positioned on the sides of the furnaces, was used for blowing air from bellows into the furnaces. The rectangular-based furnace is quite different and appears to be an example of a two-story reverberatory furnace with a chim-ney located on the south side (Peković & Topić, 2011).

1.2.2. Zone B

Zone B is positioned along the western wall which connects the Minčeta and Upper Corner Towers. This area was used to store the sand used for casting. It also includes a cistern and a filtering system which were used for the col-lection and purification of rainwater required for moistening and cleaning the sand (zones D and E). Since the moisture content of the sand had to be controlled, its storage area was pro-tected from the elements by a roof supported by cantilevers on the west and by an arched colonnade on the east (Monge, 1793-1794, p. 67-77; Peković & Topić, 2011).

Fig. 2A plan of the

foundry showing the location of the zones

(PeKovIć & toPIć, 2011, p. 272, fig. 6).

Fig. 3View of the

southwest corner of the excavated foundry showing

zone A, where the furnaces are located

(PeKovIć & toPIć, 2011, p. 275, fig. 9).


Archéologie 39

1.2.3. Zone C

Zone C is the largest of the foundry and is located on its eastern side. A series of molds and small furnaces have been found there indicating that it was the molding and casting area of the foundry.

It is thought that the sand was used to produce a number of molds and cores using patterns of stone or wood, and there is evidence for a num-ber of different mold types. These molds would have required stone or wooden frames to support them through the casting process. Additionally, a number of small and large monolithic stone molds were found during the excavation. Some appear to have been used to make hollow, incen-diary mortar shells (c. 200 mm in diameter) for mortar, while others were used to cast bullets.

A large casting pit built of stone and mortar dominates the southern area of the molding and casting workshop. The pit was used for larger castings in sand and is conical in shape with the top having a 3 m diameter and the base a 1 m diameter. There is evidence of two holes in the floor, where supporting columns or beams may have been placed to provide structural support during the making of the sand molds. In order to facilitate the removal of large cast objects from the pit, a wall with five arched pilasters was constructed along the eastern side of the city wall on the western border of the molding and casting workshop. This structure would have supported beams used for suspending and manipulating the heavy castings out of the pit. A secondary function of this structure was to support the roof which protected the workshop from the elements and to help keep the sand moist. Additionally, a number of small hollows were found in the workshop floor which have been interpreted as spaces for casting smaller objects, presumably, sand would have been used to create the mold pattern.

Other evidence to support the function of this zone as a molding and casting workshop is the four small furnaces found on the western side which, most likely, would have been used to heat the crucibles with the metal used for casting.

Objects such as small solid cast balls, a hollow bar shot, and iron bullets have been found in this area alluding to the zone's primary function.

This zone was connected with zone D on the north by a corridor and steps, and in the southwestern part of the workshop, it was possible to enter zone C through a corridor from zone A (Peković et al., 2008; Peković & Topić, 2011).

1.2.4. Zone D

Zone D is situated in the north of the workshop complex and consists of a cistern and a series of water tanks which probably served for cleaning the casting sand. The zone consists of a lower and upper area. The lower, southern area includes three tanks and a large cistern with a well. The upper, northern area has several small channels which fed water, originating from the city's water works, to both the city and to the tanks and cistern in the foundry.

The cistern in zone D was a vaulted tank with a well, built of bricks, constructed inside. The water was filtered through these bricks and a layer of sand. There are also two circular settling filters along the western wall which filtered the water before it flowed into the storage tanks. Fragmentary remains of a red hydraulic mor-tar on the base of the tanks have been found (Peković et al., 2008; Peković &Topić, 2011).

1.2.5. Zone E

Zone E has a large channel with settling filters which lead from the water tanks in zone D to the southern part of the foundry. One of the settling filters is of rectangular plan and is situated on the northern part of the zone, while the other is round and is positioned in the south. The chan-nel gently descends to the south and flows into a vaulted filter with a drainage outlet along the southern wall. The channel served for filtering and draining water from the tanks, and its main function was to clean the casting sand (Peković et al., 2008; Peković & Topić, 2011).


314


2. ANALYTICAL APPROACH

An analytical study was carried out in order to investigate the metallurgical processes taking place at the foundry. It was hoped that this approach would provide relevant evidence regarding the nature and provision of technical materials, such as the crucibles and casting sand, as well as the metals and alloys cast. The more detailed picture emerging from this work serves as an illustration of the commercial power of the Ragusan Republic and a case study allowing comparison to other foundries known from the historical and archaeological record.

The excavators in Dubrovnik selected a sample of the material which was sent to the UCL Institute of Archaeology for analysis. An initial assessment was carried out by Stewart (2010), who sampled crucibles for scanning electron microscopy (SEM) and conducted screening analyses of casting spillage by por-table X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (pXRF). These samples were subsequently re-analysed by the lead author of this paper, together with previously unexamined materials.

Polished cross-sections of crucibles, casting spillage, and slag were first examined by reflected light optical microscopy prior to carbon-coating for SEM analysis. The SEM allowed further investigation of the samples' microstructure and provided quantitative compositional data on the various phases identified. The instru-ment employed for these samples was a Philips XL30 SEM with an Oxford Instruments EDS, set up at an accelerating voltage of 20 kV, a spot size between 4 and 6.5, a working distance of 10 mm, and an acquisition time of 75 seconds, with an operating dead time typically between 35 and 40%. A cobalt standard was analysed every 20–30 minutes to adjust for drift in beam stability, and certified standards were analysed during each session to monitor accuracy and precision of the results. Analytical results are presented as stoichiometric oxides where appro-priate, and they have been normalised to 100% to account for porosity, particularly abundant in the ceramic samples.

The sand samples, also mounted as cross-sections, were examined using a Hitachi S-3400N SEM to take advantage of the improved imaging performance of this instrument.

Portable XRF was used as a qualitative screening method, primarily to look for evidence of non-ferrous metals inside crucibles, as well as to identify the alloys present in casting spillage and slag—as a guide for further sampling for invasive analyses. The instrument is an Innov-X Olympus Delta model with a rhodium anode and a silicon drift detector. The factory-built "Alloys" method was used for the analysis of metals, while "Soils" was employed for crucibles and sand.

3. RESULTS

3.1. Crucibles

Around 1 700 crucible fragments were excavated from the foundry site—these fragments are thought to represent a minimum of 100 crucibles. Although no complete crucibles have been found, it is possible to work out the average dimensions of the vessels based on the semi-complete vessels and the fragments that pieced together. The majority of the crucibles were c. 200 mm tall with the smallest measuring 100 mm and the tallest 400 mm. The bases were all circular and flat ranging in diameter from 70 to 220 mm with the majority measuring between 120 mm and 130 mm. The crucible walls flare

Fig. 4Photograph of a

crucible fragment showing evidence

of a perforated hole (middle, bottom)

which would have been close to the

base (scale 10 cm).


Archéologie 39

out from the base (c. 30–50 mm thick) up to the rim (c. 10–20 mm thick) generally forming a triangular mouth, although, some of the larger crucibles appear to have a rounded mouth. Seven of the larger crucibles have a rounded perforation on the side close to their bases (fig. 4), and two other crucibles have quadrangular openings. Two graphite-rich ceramic "plugs" were also excavated, and it has been suggested they were used to plug these holes (Peković & Topić, 2011, p. 273-275).

Around forty of the crucible bases found have various markings stamped on them. The main mark can be broken down into a series of super-imposed symbols including a Latin cross, a Greek cross, a double cross, and a number 4. All the marks are in a well-defined niche, that also include two letters, probably the master potter's initials. When they appear on crucibles, these marks have been taken as an indication of the ceramic's origin at the crucible-manufacturing region of Obernzell in Bavaria (Martinón-Torres & Rehren, 2009). The origin of these marks evokes tenets of alchemical and religious imagery, and variations of them are very frequent in many sorts of post-medieval material culture across Europe (Martinón-Torres, 2010). Therefore, the attribution of the crucibles to Obernzell, based only on their marks, could be risky, and should be corroborated through analysis. In addition to the more complex described marks, the letter "S" and one other unidentifiable mark also appear on some of the bases and may relate to the size of crucible (Peković & Topić, 2011, p. 275).

3.1.1. Fabric analysis

Two different crucible fabrics were identified on the basis of initial visual assessment—one dark grey graphitic fabric and one bright red fabric. It was suggested that these could correspond to the main crucible manufacturing regions known in the post-medieval world—respectively, Bavaria and Hesse (Martinón-Torres & Rehren, 2009). A re-examination of the crucible remains for the current project could not identify any sherd showing the thin, highly vitrified, quartz-rich texture characteristic of Hessian crucibles

(Martinón-Torres et al., 2006; 2008). Instead, all of the crucibles were found to be of the gra-phitic type, simply showing different extents of oxidation firing. New graphite crucibles fired under reducing conditions will look black and glossy; however, repeated use in oxidising envi-ronments will lead to the burning out of the gra-phite inclusions and the progressive reddening of the ceramic. This is likely the reason behind the initial classification of there being two fabrics; although, it remains possible that non-graphitic crucibles occur in the assemblage but were not submitted for analysis.

The crucible cross-sections analysed in more detail were predominantly dark grey to black in colour, with shiny flakes of graphite visible throughout the fabric. Graphite inclusions are very abundant with concentrations of 50–80% in volume, with higher concentrations typically evident in the bases. Graphite flakes are normally around 0.5 mm in length and appear oriented parallel to the crucible walls, often intergrown with other minerals such as potassium feldspars, occasional plagioclase feldspars, and, in one case, a fibrous magnesium-rich mineral provisionally identified as chlorite. Other minerals present


Fig. 5Photomicrographs of crucible fragment D41. a) General fabric of the crucibles from Dubrovnik. The bright, elongated inclusions are graphite and the grey material, with black voids, is the vitrified and bloated ceramic matrix; some of these voids occur within the semi-molten minerals (width of photomicrograph represents 4.2mm); b) Metallic iron globules that formed in the ceramic under reducing conditions.

316


as rare inclusions in the fabric are monazite, titanite, and iron sulphide. Some of the crucible fragments showed a rusty red colour and have a rougher texture than the dark grey sherds. In most cases, however, it is still possible to see that the cores of these red crucibles are dark-grey in colour and have remnant graphite flakes within, hence confirming the above assessment.

Optical microscopy and SEM imaging show that the ceramic matrix of the crucibles is highly vitrified, with small to medium-sized bloating pores, indicating the vessels were exposed to high temperatures (fig. 5a). Although quartz grains are rare, where they do exist, they are often shattered, thereby confirming exposure to

temperatures around 1200 °C. Most of the other minerals within the ceramic matrix appear to have melted into the ceramic, generating patches of glassy areas.

At higher magnification, numerous small globules of metallic iron can be seen within the ceramic matrix of some of the crucibles (fig. 5b). These metallic globules were formed due to the highly reducing conditions resulting from the abundance of graphite—under high tem-peratures, evolved carbon monoxide from the graphite would reduce free iron ions within the ceramic. This process would effectively remove iron oxide from the ceramic matrix, preventing its potentially deleterious effect as a flux and ren-dering the fabric more refractory (Freestone & Tite, 1986). Importantly, the presence of metal-lic iron in this form cannot be taken as indicative of the use of crucibles for molten iron, as they have been identified in crucibles clearly used for non-ferrous metallurgy (Martinón-Torres & Verrocchio, 2008).

We analysed the composition of the ceramic matrix of the crucibles by SEM-EDS using the same instrument and set-up as Martinón-Torres and Rehren's survey of post-medieval crucibles (Martinón-Torres & Rehren, 2009). Area analyses showed the use of relatively refractory clays (table 1) with high Al2O3 content (average 24.6 wt%) and relatively low fluxing oxides (Na2O, MgO, K2O, and CaO). The results are compara-ble with those of other graphite crucibles that

Table 1Average compositions

by SEM-EDS of the ceramic matrices of the Dubrovnik

Crucibles analysed. All the results have

been normalised to 100wt %.

Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 P2O5 K2O CaO TiO2 FeO

D36 1.3 1.3 24.9 59.7 0.6 5.4 1.1 0.9 5.0

D37 0.5 1.7 23.0 58.0 0.6 4.5 1.9 1.1 8.6

D39 0.5 2.5 24.7 61.1 0.7 5.8 4.1 1.7 1.4

D40 0.9 1.2 25.1 51.9 0.2 3.9 2.5 1.9 12.4

D41a 1.1 0.9 24.5 51.6 0.5 5.1 1.5 1.5 13.2

D41b 0.7 1.7 25.5 55.6 - 3.2 1.5 1.7 10.0

Mean 0.8 1.6 24.6 56.3 0.5 4.7 2.1 1.5 8.4

Std.Dev 0.3 0.6 0.9 4.0 0.2 1.0 1.1 0.4 4.5

Min. 0.5 0.9 23.0 51.6 - 3.2 1.1 0.9 1.4

Max. 1.3 1.7 25.5 61.1 0.7 5.8 4.1 1.9 13.2

Na2O+MgO+K2O+CaO (wt.%)

Al 2O

3 (wt.

%)

Fig. 6Comparison of

graphitic crucible compositions published by

Martinón-Torres and Rehren (martInón-

torres & rehren, 2009, p. 62) with those

of the Dubrovnik crucibles. The values

of the Dubrovnik crucibles were

calibrated based on the re-analysis of two

samples (Obernzell 01/S1 and Ashmolean DX1422/S1) published

previously. Typical compositions of

Hessian crucibles have been included

to illustrate the difference between

the main two late to post-medieval

crucible types.


Archéologie 39

have been analysed in the past, as demonstrated in figure 6. It has to be noted, however, that the Dubrovnik crucibles tend to show slightly higher alkali and earth alkali levels than crucibles with similar stamps analysed previously. This dispar-ity may be partly due to post-depositional alter-ation (see below) and natural variability in clay deposits. Altogether, the high-graphite content, mineralogy, chemical composition, and makers' marks on the crucibles are consistent with an origin in Obernzell, Bavaria.

3.1.2. Residues

The inner and outer surfaces of the crucible sherds were analysed initially using pXRF for a quick assessment of possible use residues. A number of them (D36, D37, D38, and D40) showed the presence of copper, and one (D38) also showed elevated levels of zinc; however, considering the high volatility of this metal, it is difficult to infer whether zinc was just a minor impurity in the copper or a true alloying constituent (Dungworth, 2000b; Kearns et al., 2010). Only three of the crucibles analysed in cross section show visible signs of use. These appear in the form of corroded metal prills embedded in thin layers of vitrified ceramic on the inner surfaces. In D37, much of the metal appeared in the form of chlorides redeposited in voids of the ceramic, most likely a result of post-depositional alteration. Spot analyses of metal prills occasionally detected small amounts of arsenic, antimony, tin, nickel, and iron but always in levels lower than 1%. Interestingly, the metal prills, the glassy areas around them, and the corrosion products do not bear any significant amounts of tin, zinc, or lead which would indicate the processing of alloys. Instead, it would seem that the crucibles analysed were used for melting and casting unalloyed copper. Given the small number of samples analysed by SEM-EDS, it is impossible to determine whether this impression is representative of the whole assemblage.

A number of the crucibles also bear light-coloured, calcareous residues on their surfaces predominantly rich in lime and magnesia in

addition to silica and alumina. These deposits are clearly post-depositional, as they are found covering the inner, outer, and fractured surfaces of the sherds. Contamination from the casting sand, discussed below, may be the reason for these accretions and it may explain the higher than typical levels of lime recorded in the cru-cible fabrics.

3.2. Metallurgical debris and slag

Metal finds at the site are comparatively limited. They include iron shots, incendiary shell fragments, bullets, nails, pins, and small amorphous lumps of copper alloy that are interpreted as casting spillage. Stewart completed qualitative pXRF analysis of 19 metal spills (Stewart, 2010). This analysis showed that they are copper alloys with varying quantities of lead, zinc, and tin. Quantitative compositional analysis, using SEM-EDS, was performed on three of these. All were shown to be tin bronzes (< 15% Sn) with small amounts of lead (< 2%) and occasional traces of antimony, arsenic, and nickel—the latter impurities indicating a connection between this casting spillage and the unalloyed copper found in the crucibles and reported on above.

A small amount of slag recovered from the site was also available for this study; however, given the small size of our sample, our interpretations have to remain tentative.

3.2.1. Bronze slag

D56 is a relatively lustrous lump, approximately 4 cm in diameter, black and dense. It appears to have been fully molten with obvious flow structures (fig. 7). In cross section, it showed thin ribbons of copper alloy droplets in a glassy matrix, as well as some larger copper alloy prills. The glassy slag is a silicate characterised by its significant levels of lime (30.2%) and magne-sia (3.6%), in addition to alumina and iron oxide (table 2) and other compounds that can be explained as resulting from molten sand or clay. The metal prills, some of which are corro-ded, were found to be bronze with variable tin


318


and lead concentrations. Some of the larger, uncorroded prills contain and are surrounded by newly formed crystals of tin oxide (fig. 8). These are mostly rhombohedral and often have a copper-rich core. Their shape and arrangement are strongly indicative of mildly oxidising condi-tions leading to the preferential oxidation of the metallic tin present in the alloy, as opposed to the raw mineral, cassiterite, being added to the charge (Rovira, 2007; Dungworth, 2000a).

The oxidising atmosphere suggested by the formation of tin oxide is incompatible with smelting slag. At the same time, the relatively low levels of elements such as iron, which might be considered metal impurities, make it unlikely that this constitutes some form of metal refining slag. A plausible explanation is that this constitutes the remains of molten, tech-nical ceramics, perhaps a furnace wall, which reacted with some metal spilled during melting or casting. The high levels of alkali earth oxides could derive from charcoal ashes, which would have acted as a flux and promoted the melting of the ceramic. However, it is worth noting that calcareous sands were used as molding material for casting at the site and, hence, this slag may also be related to the casting process. It is also

possible that sand was thrown on the surface of the molten alloy to minimise oxidation and, perhaps, collect impurities in the dross. Either way, this lump simply confirms the melting and casting of bronze at the site and cannot be taken to indicate any smelting of minerals.

3.2.2. Iron slag

A number of iron objects were unearthed during excavations. These include a failed casting of an iron shot. The archaeological remains together with the historical evidence make it quite likely that iron objects were cast in the foundry (Peković & Topić, 2011; Muljević, 1999). Four slag samples were tentatively associated to iron metallurgy. They are characterised by their amorphous shape, relatively low density, dark grey colour, and glassy outer surface—one piece appears to adhere to ceramic. They seem to have been partially molten, which is evident from the flow structures, but they are less reacted and internally heterogeneous. Areas of orange cor-rosion indicate the former presence of metallic iron, probably more abundant than recorded today.

Three pieces of this slag type were prepared for SEM-EDS analysis. It was evident from cross sections that all three are heterogeneous and comprised of a more iron-rich slag phase mixed together with partly molten ceramic material (fig. 9).

Sample Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 K2O CaO TiO2 FeO CuO

D56 0.7 3.6 12.1 41 3.2 30.2 0.8 5.4 2.3

Table 2SEM-EDS results

of average area analyses of the glassy

slag phase of D56.

Fig. 7Photograph of

slag sample D56 illustrating the

flow structure and vitreous nature of the

slag (scale 5 cm).

Fig. 8SEM image of the

bonze slag D56, showing part of a bronze prill (light

grey, right) in a silicate matrix (dark

grey, left). Angular crystals of tin oxide (white) are present

throughout.


Archéologie 39

The slag phase is rich in silica (35–49%) and iron oxide (28–29%) and, occasionally, shows some skeletal crystals of fayalite (fig. 10) bearing small amounts of magnesium, manganese, and calcium (table 3). The ceramic embedded in the slag appears glassy and severely bloated. It is very rich in quartz grains which appear to be dissolving in the slag and contains grains of chromite (with aluminium and magnesium substitution) and zircon, in addition to partly dissolved iron oxide minerals (table 4, fig. 10).

In one of the samples (D58), small globules of metallic iron were identified with spot analyses recording traces of silicon and phosphorus in the metal. These samples were not etched to assess the carbon content in the iron (which cannot be quantified with the SEM-EDS system on carbon-coated samples), but the rounded shape of the iron blebs indicates that they were fully molten, as opposed to forming in the solid state. Occasionally, very small crystals of magnetite were identified—their co-occurrence with metallic iron is indicative of a variable redox atmosphere. We interpret these samples as remnants of technical ceramics that may have been used for melting and casting iron, which would explain their thermally distorted state, as well as the enrichment in iron. The iron oxide levels, although higher than what one might expect from ceramics alone, are still lower than those typical of slag deriving from bloomery smelting, iron smithing, or cast iron refining. The relatively low levels of lime make it unlikely that these constitute slags from blast furnaces used to smelt cast iron. Furthermore, although residual iron oxides and chromite might be attributed to ore impurities, they always appear in the ceramic-rich areas of the samples, indicating that they are more likely residual mineral inclusions from the ceramic. Therefore, the evidence available indicates that iron was not smelted at the foundry, but that it was indeed used, and, quite probably, melted and cast there.

Chemical analyses of the ceramic-rich areas of these slag lumps indicate the use of non-calcareous clays with variable compositions. It is important to note that the mineral inclusions

Sample Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 K2O CaO TiO2 MnO FeO

D54a 0.9 1.9 12.0 47.5 1.5 5.6 0.8 0.7 29.3

D54 0.7 2.2 9.0 35.1 1.2 4.3 0.6 0.5 27.6

D58 1.6 2.5 6.8 49.2 1.4 8.1 0.4 0.6 28.9

Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 SO2 P2O5 K2O CaO TiO2 MnO FeO

D58 1.9 2.5 14.1 65.4 - 0.5 2.7 3.7 0.7 0.5 8.0

D54a 0.3 1.1 22.8 63.5 - 0.1 1.4 1.0 1.3 - 8.3

D54b 4.3 2.0 24.5 54.5 - - 3.4 2.0 0.9 0.2 8.2

Table 3Compositional analysis, using SEM-EDS, of the glassy slag phase of iron related slag.

Table 4Compositional analysis, using SEM-EDS, of the ceramic found in D58, D54a and b.


Fig. 9Photograph of D54b showing the heterogeneous nature of the slag in cross section. The mid-grey and grainy textured material which concentrated at the bottom shows the ceramic-rich inclusions (scale 3 cm).

Fig. 10SEM image of iron-rich slag D54a, showing a ceramic-rich area with abundant quartz grains (dark grey) and voids (black), in contact with a more crystalline, iron-rich area. The bright inclusion in the top is chromite; that at the bottom is zircon.

320


recorded in these ceramics are notably different from those in the crucibles characterised above, and, hence, no connection between the graphitic crucibles and the cast iron can be verified.

3.2.3. Melted glass

Two pieces of translucent, blue green glass with adhering ceramic were recovered from a later stratigraphic phase dating to the 17th-18th centu-ries. One of these pieces was submitted for ana-lysis and the other remains in Dubrovnik. The composition of the sample analysed was typical of a soda plant ash glass (Gallo & Silvestri, 2012; Silvestri et al., 2005; Wedepohl et al., 2011), coloured green by iron oxide impurities (table 5). The glass is homogeneous with no dis-cernible crystals except in the ceramic-rich areas where crystals of wollastonite formed around quartz grains. While the use of broken glass as a flux for metallurgical reactions is documented in early modern treatises (Martinón-Torres & Verrocchio, 2008), it is also possible that these molten glasses simply represent rare cases of domestic glass that was broken and ended up in the furnace. Without further evidence about the actual abundance of this material on site, it is hard to make any informed suggestions.

3.2.4. Casting sand

Large volumes of sand were excavated from the sand storage area, settling filters, and casting zone. Five samples were studied in cross-section: three from the storage and casting zones (zones B and C, respectively) and two from the settling filters (zone E). The analysed sand is medium grain-sized and varies in colour from a sandy brown to dark brown/black, depending primarily on the amount of charcoal. This sand is highly calcareous, in contradiction with the initial observation that the sand could be kaolinitic (Peković & Topić, 2011). Under the SEM, abundant grains of calcite and dolomite could be

identified, in addition to numerous microfossils and charcoal fragments. Some porous grains, rich in calcium and phosphorus, were tentatively identified as burnt bone (fig. 11a). In addition, rarer occurrences were noted, including a wüstite-rich flake (possibly hammerscale) in D49 (fig. 11b) and two microscopic fragments of lead-glazed calcareous ceramics with one, D45 (fig. 11c-d), with an underglaze slip.

4. DISCUSSION

The results described above allow for both insights into the workings of the foundry and the trading relationships of the Ragusan Republic while helping to refine and complete the assess-ment made after the excavation.

It is evident from the analysis of the metal spills, residues, and prills trapped within the copper-related slag that both unalloyed copper and leaded tin-bronze were melted and cast within the foundry—most likely within zone C, the molding workshop (fig. 2). The bronze slag D56 suggests that the founders may have been concerned about the loss of tin via oxidation during melting, a phenomenon described in contemporary sources (Smith & Gnudi, 1966, p. 299; De Beer, 1991, p. 81). As a number of graphite crucibles discovered close to the vessels at the foundry had perforated holes, it is possible that these were used to pour the molten metal from the base, leaving the less dense slag on the top and preventing any contamination of the cast (Peković & Topić, 2011). It remains puzzling that the crucibles analysed in cross section show evidence of unalloyed copper rather than bronze melting, but this may simply be a reflection of our small sample size. Alternatively, large bronze objects might have been cast by pouring directly from the melting furnace.

Historical sources found within the state archives suggest that the main objects being cast within Dubrovnik during this period were

Sample Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 Cl K2O CaO MnO FeO

D44 9.2 2.4 2.2 74.8 0.9 1.5 7 0.6 1.3

Table 5SEM-EDS results

from area analyses of sample D44.


Archéologie 39

cauldrons, bells, and cannon (Muljević, 1999). The latter two would certainly be cast in bronze rather than unalloyed copper. The large scale casting pit, the structural supports evident in the molding workshop, and the large volume cru-cibles which could have held up to around 80 kg of metal suggest that large objects were also cast alongside the smaller objects found during excavations (Peković & Topić, 2011, p. 280). The tin levels in the prills and casting spillage, invariably lower than 15%, are too low to be consistent with bell casting. Cauldrons and/or cannon are a stronger possibility, as the com-positions are comparable with those previously analysed (Tylecote, 1992, p. 112; De Beer, 1991, p. 121; Ffoulkes, 1937, p. 25; Bayley & Richards, 1993; Dungworth & Maclean, 2002; Nicholas, 2003). Historical sources and the discovery of other objects associated with ordnance strongly suggest that the foundry was producing cannon. It is hard to envision the logistics of casting large cannon within the foundry and at this particular location. Cannon casting requires a relatively large working space due to the numerous steps involved, and the foundry seems limited in space, especially as the

majority of it was used for storing and cleaning the casting sand. However, a number of rela-tively smaller cannon were produced during the late to post-medieval period (Smith & Gnudi, 1966, p. 222-227)—the Loshult is an example of this type and weighed around 10 kg (Pauly, 2004, p. 21-22). It is plausible that the foundry was used for producing such smaller cannon. A reassessment of the functional allocation of the workshop areas during excavation as well as a further comparison with contemporary foun-dries, may help verify the feasibility of this claim.

Whether cannon, cauldrons or other objects were being produced, it is clear that sand was used to make the molds. The use of sand was not common until the 18th century (Tylecote, 1992), although a few earlier sources, such as Biringuccio (Smith & Gnudi, 1966) and Monge (1793-1794), discuss the use of sand as a molding material. Monge (1793-1794, p. 67-77) discusses the required properties of the sand and the methods for producing the molds. According to him, the sand had to be refractory (for it not to vitrify and inte-ract with the metal), not too earthy (to avoid

Fig. 11SEM images of the casting sand and the inclusions found within: a) illustrates the general texture and composition of the sand in sample D48; it contains dolomite (top left), charcoal grains (mid top, darker grain), microfossils (oval) and calcite grains; b) wüstite-rich flake (possibly hammerscale) in sample D49; c) a small fragment of lead-glazed ceramic with an underglaze slip in sample D45; and d) a second piece of lead-glazed ceramic found in sample D45.


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cracking upon drying), coarse and angular (for the grains to hold together), and not too pure (as it would not bond). The archaeological sand from Dubrovnik is not particularly refrac-tory but it was sufficiently temperature-resistant, and it met all the other requirements. The added charcoal would have contributed to its thermal and chemical refractoriness. The possible addi-tion of crushed ceramics or "grog", as suggested by the glazed fragments described above, would have further contributed to the stability of the sand when receiving the molten metal. The pos-sible flake of hammerscale within sand sample D49 would indicate proximity with an iron smithing area. The iron supports placed around the larger molds to secure them would need to be adjusted on site to ensure a tight fit and would have required the forging of iron.

In any case, the peculiar composition and make-up of this sand, clearly modified by the craftspeople to optimise its properties, and the fact that it was washed and likely re-used, corroborates the importance that this material had for the success of the foundry. This is in agreement with historical sources indicating that casting sand was imported from as far away as Italy in the 16th century (Beritić et al.,1989). The lack of evidence for sand casting elsewhere during this period suggests that the Ragusan foundry was using a technology that was either relatively new or not known in a wider context. Unlike clay, sand could be cleaned and used again. The fact that sand is still used today to produce large castings is testament to its opti-mum performance.

Ferrous metallurgy is represented at the site by iron objects, including a seemingly failed cast and the iron-rich slag. Zone A was initially interpre-ted as a furnace zone for the melting of the metal used in zone C; however, the distance between both areas may have been too large for this to be practical on a routine basis—it is possible that zone A was the zone designated for ferrous metallurgy. It was not uncommon for foundries to have separate zones for the use and processing of different metals (Altenburg & Jack, 1990), and further analysis of the furnace may help to more specifically allocate processes to areas.

5. CONCLUSION

The evidence presented above is limited by the relatively small number of samples that could be analysed. However, the data are sufficient to sug-gest that both ferrous and non-ferrous metals were cast within the foundry, and that calcareous sand with various additives was the predominant molding material in a period dominated by clay molds. The Ragusan foundry is also significant due to the vast trading networks it represents.

The analysis of the graphitic crucibles has confirmed that they originated from Bavaria, and Dubrovnik constitutes the easternmost location where Obernzell crucibles have been recovered to date. As far as we are aware, there are no historical documents recording any direct trade links with Germany; however, Ragusan merchants did have numerous trading partners, and there is information suggesting they traded in Hungary and Serbia (Hrbak, 1980). The gra-phitic crucibles from Bavaria were traded along the Danube (Bauer, 1983, p. 29), which passes through a number of the countries that Ragusa was linked with and suggests a possible source for their purchase. Another possible option is that the crucibles were bought in Bulgaria where Ragusan merchants had trade colonies in the 16th and 17th centuries (Molnár, 2013). Whilst it is plausible that the trade of these crucibles was completed over land, via Serbia and Bosnia, it is more likely that they were transported along the Danube. There are a number of sources (Han, 1972; Kovačević, 1961; Jireček, 1915) that discuss the difficulties of travelling over land during this period due to high risk of rob-bery, high duties to be paid, and numerous wars. Ultimately, it was safer and quicker to transport goods by sea.

One other material that is likely to have been imported is the sand used for casting. Earlier, we discussed sources that imply a founder travelled from Ragusa to collect casting sand from Italy (Beritić et al., 1989). The metal, glass waste and, potentially, the lead glazed ceramic mixed in the sand could be provenanced through further analytical work, in order to build up a


Archéologie 39

more complete picture of the geographic extent to which the foundry sourced its raw materials.

It is, of course, not only the raw materials that help place the foundry within the wider context of the Ragusan Republic's trading sphere. While it is likely that some of the castings would have armed the Ragusan fleet, there is evidence of cannon being bought by Italian states and the Spanish fleet (Muljević, 1999). The foundry was clearly heavily involved in and dependent on the commercial wealth and trading relationships that the Republic had formed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many thanks are due to Omega Engineering for allowing us to sample the artefacts analysed and for their generous help with research and access to a number of the figures in this paper. We are also indebted to all the technical staff at the laboratories of the UCL Institute of Archaeology for their support with the analytical work, and to Giovanni Grant for translating Monge's work from French to English.

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Archéologie 39

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Cet ouvrage contient les actes d'un colloque international consacré aux productions médiévales en alliage à base de cuivre qui s'est tenu à Dinant et à Namur les 15, 16 et 17 mai 2014. Ces journées ont été organisées par le Service public de Wallonie (Belgique) et l'Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (France). Les actes rassemblent 34 contributions originales livrées par des spécialistes, archéolo-gues, historiens, historiens de l'art ou encore métallurgistes et chimistes. Ils montrent la grande diversité des approches et des thèmes abordés au moyen de ce matériau très pré-sent dans la culture matérielle. Au Bas Moyen Âge, le cuivre entre progressivement dans la fabrication de nombreux objets du quotidien, que ce soit pour la parure, sous forme de boucles de ceintures ou de petits éléments décoratifs du costume, ou encore dans la cuisine et les maisons quand il devient chaudron, aiguière, bassin ou puisette. À ces productions en série, souvent de masse, s'opposent des travaux réalisés sur commande pour l'aristocratie ou à des fins liturgiques. Le métal se décline alors sous l'aspect d'aqua-maniles, de chandeliers d'autel, de lutrins… Le matériau est utilisé pour des œuvres monumentales comme des colonnes, des portes, des fonts baptismaux, des fontaines, des monuments funéraires ou encore des cloches. On trouve aussi le cuivre dans des contextes artisanaux, dans l'artillerie, les instruments de musique ou encore la monnaie.En explorant un vaste sujet par des angles variés, ce livre intéresse l'archéologie bien sûr, mais aussi l'histoire des techniques, l'histoire de l'art, l'histoire économique ou encore l'histoire sociale. Il s'adresse à un public averti, ou plus simplement curieux de l'histoire du Moyen Âge en Europe.

This volume contains the proceedings of the International Conference on Medieval Copper Alloys Production, held at Dinant and Namur on 15, 16 and 17 May 2014. The conference was organised by the Service public de Wallonie (Belgium) and the Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (France). The proceedings include 34 original contributions presented by archaeologists, historians, conservators, art historians, and other specialists, including metallurgists and chemists. Collectively, they show the great diversity of approaches being taken to elaborate the multiple themes associated with copper and its alloys in the material culture of medieval and post-medieval Europe. In the late Middle Ages, there was a gradual increase in the use of copper and its alloys for making everyday objects, whether for dress accessories, such as belt buckles or small decorative studs, or in kitchens and houses where the metal became a cauldron, ewer, basin or lavabo. In contrast to these common objects fabricated in serial or mass production, were the exceptional, discrete objects satisfying the needs of the aristocracy and liturgy. Such made-to-order masterpieces might include aquamanilia, candelabra or lecterns. Additionally, copper alloys were used for more colossal works of art such as columns, doors, baptisteries, fountains, funeral monuments and, of course, bells. Copper was equally sought in artisanal contexts, for artillery, for musical instruments, and for coinage. In exploring such a vast subject from multiple points of view, this volume will be of interest not only to archaeologist, but also to those involved in the history of techniques,