DNL SES / ANGLAISRessources pour le thème justice sociale (DNL)

Un site interactif pour obtenir des séries par pays:http://wid.world/world/#sptinc_p99p100_z/US;FR;DE;CN;ZA;GB;WO/last/eu/k/p/yearly/s/false/4.8255/30/curve/false/country

Pour nourrir notre propre réflexion…en particulier autour du rapprochement entre des modèles idéal-typiques

https://www.oecd.org/gov/budgeting/49095378.pdf?TSPD_101_R0=593b73cd420d8b0fc4e929723eb48d49r9D0000000000000000014ce052ffff00000000000000000000000000005a87005400ff17c1d9

De Schellings - Ségrégation et petites décisionshttps://fr.coursera.org/learn/model-thinking/lecture/1qEBU/schellings-segregation-model

Un article intéressant sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’immigration invite à repenser la question de l’Etat-Ptovidence => les contours de ce que l’on définit en Europe comme risque social, qui peut/doit en bénéficier.

https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2017/06/economist-explains-20

Sur le revenu universelhttp://basicincome.org/basic-income/

Social justice is a political and philosophical concept which holds that all people should have equal access to wealth, health, wellbeing, justice and opportunity. 

https://www.investopedia.com/terms/s/social-justice.asp

Social justice is a concept of fair and just relations between the individual and society. This is measured by the explicit and tacit terms for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity and social privileges. In Western as well as in older Asian cultures, the concept of social justice has often referred to the process of ensuring that individuals fulfill their societal roles and receive what was their due from society.[1][2][3] In the current global grassroots movements for social justice, the emphasis has been on the breaking of barriers for social mobility, the creation of safety nets and economic justice.[4][5][6][7][8]

Social justice assigns rights and duties in the institutions of society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and burdens of cooperation. The relevant institutions often include taxation, social insurance, public health, public school, public services, labour law and regulation of markets, to ensure fair distribution of wealth, and equal opportunity.[9]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_justice

Un article du Guardian faisant référence aux risques sociaux, au rapport Beveridge et à l’état des inégalités en GB

https://www.theguardian.com/society/2017/oct/10/beveridge-five-evils-welfare-state

Un article du Financial Times faisant le bilan des réductions de dépenses dans les services publics britanniques https://www.ft.com/content/6a8f74ca-fa98-11e6-bd4e-68d53499ed71:

Sur les effets désincitatifs des prélèvements

Un article sur la manière dont les impôts et les taxes peuvent réduire les inégalités http://oecdobserver.org/news/fullstory.php/aid/3782/How_tax_can_reduce_inequality.html:

Sur l’efficacité de la redistribution

Social justice : justice in terms of distribution of wealth, opportunities, privileges within a society https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/social_justice)

Social Risks and Welfare States http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/0198742002.001.0001/acprof-9780198742005-chapter-3

An introduction to social policy: Welfare States http://www.spicker.uk/social-policy/wstate.htm

Post WW2 Development of British Welfare State (video) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vG9wCSrTbXs

What is social justice? Video (Love alliance) www.whatissocialjustice.com

https://study.com/academy/lesson/what-is-social-justice-definition-issues- examples.html (video, lesson)

What is social protection? http://www.gsdrc.org/topic-guides/social-protection/what-is-social-protection/ (complete file: social risks, insurance and assistance…)

US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission - discrimination by type https://www.eeoc.gov/laws/types/

Beveridge Report

November 1942

Location: BritainPlayers: Sir William Beveridge

Outcome: The Beveridge Report led to the establishment of a system of social security and the National Health Service after the end of the war.

Sir William Beveridge (1879-1963) addresses the audience at a Liberal meeting at the Caxton Hall in London, 1943©

The Beveridge Report was presented by its author, Sir William Beveridge, to the British parliament in November 1942. It provided a summary of principles necessary to banish poverty and 'want' from Britain - Beveridge's mantra throughout the report was 'Abolition of want'. The paper proposed a system of social security which would be operated by the state, to be implemented at war's end.It was a radical report. From the outset Beveridge insisted that war provided an opportunity to make good:

'Now, when the war is abolishing landmarks of every kind, is the opportunity for using experience in a clear field. A revolutionary moment in the world's history is a time for

revolutions, not for patching.'Beveridge argued for social progression which required a coherent government policy: 'Social insurance fully developed may provide income security; it is an attack upon Want. But Want is one only of five giants on the road of reconstruction and in some ways the easiest to attack. The others are Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness.'His argument was based on social surveys that had been carried out between the wars. These surveys covered topics of poverty as well as old age and low birth rates. The problem of a diminishing population, Beveridge argued, made it 'imperative to give first place in social expenditure to the care of childhood and to the safeguarding of maternity'. Other areas covered were unemployment, disability and retirement. A large section of the report describes the economic situation and his vision for provision rates of benefit and contribution and how they might be managed.In 1945, Clement Attlee and the Labour Party defeated Winston Churchill's Conservative Party in the election. Attlee announced the introduction of the Welfare State as outlined in the Beveridge Report. This included the establishment of a National Health Service in 1948, with free medical treatment for all. A national system of benefits was also introduced to provide social security, so that the population would be protected 'from the cradle to the grave'.Today, the ideas that were outlined in the Beveridge Report are still considered to provide the foundation of the modern Welfare State.

November 26, 1942Social Insurance and Allied ServicesReport by Sir William Beveridge

Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty November 1942The report is subject to an Open Government Licence.

INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY

1. The Inter-departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services were appointed in June, 1941, by the Minister without Portfolio, then responsible for the consideration of reconstruction problems. The terms of reference required the Committee “to undertake, with special reference to the inter-relation of the schemes, a survey of the existing national schemes of social insurance and allied services, including workmen’s compensation and to make recommendations.” The first duty of the Committee was to survey, the second to recommend. For the reasons stated below in-paragraph 40 the duty of recommendation was confined later to the Chairman of the Committee.

The Committee’s Survey And Its Results

2. The schemes of social insurance and allied services which the Inter-departmental Committee have been called on to survey have grown piece-meal. Apart from the Poor Law, which dates from the time of Elizabeth, the schemes surveyed are the product of the last 45 years beginning with the Workmen’s Compensation Act, 1897. That Act, applying in the first instance to a limited number of occupations, was made general in 1906. Compulsory health insurance began in 1912. Unemployment insurance began for a few industries in 1912 and was made general in 1920. The first Pensions Act, giving non-contributory pensions subject to a means test at the age of 70, was passed in 1908. In 1925 came the Act which started contributory pensions for old age, for widows and for orphans. Unemployment insurance, after a troubled history, was put on a fresh basis by the Unemployment Act of 1934, which set up at the same time a new national service of Unemployment Assistance. Meantime, the local machinery for relief of destitution, after having been exhaustively examined by the Royal Commission of 1905-1909, has been changed both by the new treatment of unemployment and in many other ways, including a transfer of the responsibilities of the Boards of Guardians to Local Authorities. Separate provision for special types of disability — such as blindness- — has been made from time to time. Together with this growth of social insurance and impinging on it at many points have gone developments of medical treatment, particularly in hospitals and other institutions; developments of services devoted to the welfare of children, in school and before it; and a vast growth of voluntary provision for death and other contingencies, made by persons of the insured classes through Industrial Life Offices, Friendly Societies and Trade Unions.

i/ In all this change and development, each problem has been dealt with separately with little or no reference to allied problems. The first task of the Committee has been to attempt for the first time a comprehensive survey of the whole field of social insurance and allied services to show just what provision is now made and how it is made for many different forms of need. The results of this survey are set out in Appendix B describing social insurance and the allied services as they exist today in Britain. The picture presented is impressive in two ways. First, it shows that provision for most of the many varieties of need through interruption of earnings and other causes that may arise in modern industrial communities has already been made in Britain on a scale not surpassed and hardly rivalled in any other country of the world. In one respect only of the first importance, namely limitation of medical service^ both in the range of treatment which is provided as of right and in respect of the classes of persons

for whom it is provided, does Britain’s achievement fall seriously short of what has been accomplished elsewhere; it falls short also in its provision for cash benefit for maternity and funerals and through the defects of its system for workmen’s compensation. In all other fields British provision for security, in adequacy of amount and in comprehensiveness, will stand comparison with that of any other country; few countries will stand comparison with Britain. Second, social insurance and /the allied services, as they exist today, are conducted by a complex of disconnected administrative organs, proceeding on different principles, doing invaluable service but at a cost in money and trouble and anomalous treatment of identical problems for which there is no justification. In a system of social security better on the whole than can be found in almost any other country there are serious deficiencies which call for remedy.

ii/ Thus limitation of compulsory insurance to persons under contract of service and below a certain remuneration if engaged on non-manual work is a serious gap. Many persons working on their own account are poorer and more in need of State insurance than employees ; the remuneration limit for non-manual employees is arbitrary and takes no account of family responsibility. There is, again, no real difference between the income needs of persons who are sick and those who are unemployed, but they get different rates of benefit involving different contribution conditions and with | meaningless distinctions between persons of different ages. An adult insured man with a wife and two children receives 38/- per week should he become unemployed ; if after some weeks of unemployment he becomes sick and not available for work, his insurance income falls to 18/-. On the other hand a youth of 17 obtains 9/- when he is unemployed, but should he become sick his insurance income rises to 12/- per week. There are, to take another example, three different means tests for non-contributory pensions, for supplementary pensions and for public assistance, with a fourth test—for unemployment assistance—differing from that for supplementary pensions in some particulars.

iii / Many other such examples could be given; they are the natural result of the way in which social security has grown in Britain. It is not open to question that, by closer co-ordination, the existing social services could be made at once more beneficial and more intelligible to those whom they serve and more economical in their administration.

An asymmetric Laffer curvewith a maximum revenue point at around a 70% tax rate, as estimated by Trabandt and Uhlig (2011)

The Laffer Curve Shows that Tax Increases Are a Very Bad Idea -- even if They Generate More Tax Revenue

Daniel J. Mitchell , Contributor

The Laffer Curve is a graphical representation of the relationship between tax rates, tax revenue, and taxable income. It is frequently cited by people who want to explain the common-sense notion that punitive tax rates may not generate much additional revenue if people respond in ways that result in less taxable income.

Unfortunately, some people misinterpret the insights of the Laffer Curve. Politicians, for instance, tend to either pretend it doesn't exist, or they embrace it with excessive zeal and assume all tax cuts "pay for themselves."

Another problem is that people assume that tax rates should be set at the revenue-maximizing level. I explained back in 2010 that this was wrong. Policy makers should strive to set tax rates at the growth-maximizing level. But since a growth-generating tax is about as common as a unicorn, what this really means is that tax rates should be set to produce enough revenue to finance the growth-maximizing level of government - as illustrated by the Rahn Curve.

That's the theory of the Laffer Curve. What about the evidence? Where are the revenue-maximizing and growth-maximizing points on the Laffer Curve?

Well, ask five economists and you'll get nine answers. In part, this is because the answers vary depending on the type of tax, the country, and the time frame. In other words, there is more than one Laffer Curve.

With those caveats in mind, we have some very interesting research produced by two economists, one from the Federal Reserve and the other from the University of Chicago. They have authored a new study that attempts to measure the revenue-maximizing point on the Laffer Curve for the United States and several European nations. Here's an excerpt from their research.

Figure 6 shows the comparison for the US and EU-14. ...Interestingly, the capital tax Laffer curve is affected only very little across countries when human capital is introduced. By contrast, the introduction of human capital has important effects for the labor income tax Laffer curve. Several countries are pushed on the slippery slope sides of their labor tax Laffer curves. ...human capital turns labor into a stock variable rather than a flow variable as in the baseline model. Higher labor taxes induce households to work less and to acquire less human capital which in turn leads to lower labor income. Consequently, the labor tax base shrinks much more quickly when labor taxes are raised.

Role of the Government in a Market Economy

The classical economists like Adam Smith, J.S. Say and other advocated the doctrine of laissez faire which means non- intervention of the government in economic matters. Adam Smith introduced the concept of the invisible hand, which refers to the free functioning of the price (market) system in the absence of government intervention.And, in the 19th century, the western capitalist economics achieved spectacular growth by following the policy of laissez faire. As Paul Samuel- son has put it, “An ideal market economy is one where all goods and services are voluntarily exchanged for money at market prices. Such a system squeezes the maximum benefits out a society’s available resources without government intervention”.The doctrine of laissez faire, which means ‘leave us alone’ held that government should interfere as little as possible in economic affairs and leave economic decisions to the interplay of supply and demand in the market place. However, the great depression of 1929 (which lasted for 4 years) shattered the economies of U.S.A. and other western industrialised countries and forced them to partially abandon the doctrine of laissez faire.And, in 1936, J.M. Keynes suggested in his revolutionary book: The General Theory that the visible hand of the government should replace, at least partly, the invisible hand of the market. Following Keynesian prescriptions governments in most countries took on a steadily expanding economic role, regulating monopolies, collecting income taxes and providing social security in the form of unemployment compensation or pension for the old people.To quote Samuelson again, “in the real world, no economy actually conforms totally to the idealised world of the smoothly functioning invisible hand. Rather, every market economy suffers from imperfections which lead to such ills as excessive pollution, unemployment and extremes of wealth and poverty”.For all these reasons, any government anywhere in the world, whether conservative or liberal, intervenes in economic affairs. In a modern economy like our own, the government has to perform various roles mainly to correct the flaws (defects) of the market mechanism. The military, policy, most schools and colleges, health centres and hospitals and highway and bridge construction are all government activities, research and space exploration require government funding.Governments may regulate some businesses (such as banking and insurance), while subsidising others (such as agriculture and small-scale and cottage industries). And last, but not the least governments tax their citizens and redistribute the revenues to the poor as also the elderly (retired) people.

Four Main Functions of Government in a Market Economy

However, according to Samuelson and other modern economists, governments have four main functions in a market economy — to increase efficiency, to provide infrastructure, to promote equity, and to foster macroeconomic stability and growth.1. Efficiency:First, the government should attempt to correct market failures like monopoly and excessive pollution to ensure efficient functioning of the economic system. Externalities (or social costs) occur when firms or people impose costs or benefits on others outside the marketplace.2. Infrastructure:Secondly, the government should provide an integrated infrastructure. Infrastructure (or social overhead capital) refers to those activities that enhance, directly or indirectly, output levels or efficiency in production.Essential elements are systems of transportation, power generation, communication and banking, educational and health facilities, and a well-ordered government and political structure. Since the cost of providing these essential services are very high and benefits accrue to numerous diverse groups, such activities are to be financed by the government.3. Equity:Markets do not necessarily produce a distribution of income that is regarded as socially fair or equitable. As market economy may produce unacceptably high levels of inequality of income

and weather. Government programmes to promote equity use taxes and spending to redistribute income toward particular groups.4. Economic Growth or Stability:Fourthly, governments rely upon taxes, expenditures and monetary regulation to foster macroeconomic growth and stability to reduce unemployment and inflation while encouraging economic growth.Macroeconomic policies for stabilisation and economic growth includes fiscal policies (of taxing and spending) along with monetary policies (which affect interest rates and credit conditions). Since the development of macroeconomics in the 1930s governments have succeeded in bringing inflation and unemployment under control.

Minority scholarship application form https://wmich.edu/sites/default/files/attachments/u478/2016/Minority%20Scholarship%20Application%202016%20-%202017.pdf

Ressources pour le thème justice sociale (ANGLAIS)

Beyonce funds college studies for 4 womenhttp://abc13.com/entertainment/beyonce-to-fund-scholarships-for-women-at-4-colleges/1916377/

Cost of universities around the world

Here's how much it costs to go to college in the US compared to other countries

Abigail Hess 1:58 PM ET Thu, 13 July 2017

America might be known as the "land of the free," but attending college in the U.S. is anything but.

According to the College Board, the average cost of one year at a public university for an in-state student is $20,090. That increases to $34,220 if you hail from out of state. And in order to afford a college diploma, many American students rely on loans. Today, over 44 million Americans hold a total of $1.4 trillion in student debt.

Denmark

By contrast, in countries like Germany and Sweden, students can attend university free of charge. Denmark takes college affordability to an entirely new level. Danish students receive about $900 (5,839 DKK) per month through a program called Statens Uddannelsesstøtte ("state education") to help cover living expenses while they are getting their college degree.

Advocates for free college education in the U.S. have implemented programs similar to those currently used in Denmark.

Japan

The University of Tokyo tops the US News and World Report list of the best universities in Asia. It costs ¥535,800 (roughly $4,735) for an undergraduate to attend the University of Tokyo for one year.

According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the Japanese Government spends $8,748 per student across all schools and universities every year.

Japan's investment has resulted in a highly educated population: The OECD reports that the country has the second highest level of adult education in the world, with nearly 50 percent of citizens completing a tertiary level education.

Brazil

Three of the five top colleges in South America are in Brazil, a country with free public college. The OECD reports that the Brazilian government allocates nearly 20 percent of its budget to education. Over 6 percent of Brazil's GDP goes towards education.

However, many of the country's well-funded, prestigious and free universities are highly selective and serve disproportionately wealthy white communities. Since it's difficult for students who did not attend expensive private prep schools to gain admission to the best public universities, many students attend for-profit colleges.

South Africa

South African Colleges like the University of Cape Town and the University of Witwatersrand are widely celebrated as the best schools in Africa.

The University of Cape Town uses a fee structure in which students pay tuition fees for every course they take. These tuition fees vary from course to course.

The University of the Witwatersrand (known as Wits), is one of South Africa's most expensive universities. The Guardian reports that tuition fees at Wits are as high as 60,000 Rands (roughly $4,509) a year depending on the field of study.

South African students have long advocated more affordable education. In 2015, when Wits suggested a 10.5 percent fee increase, students protested. Similar protests continue today.

Adam Habib, the President of Witwatersrand, argues that the anger expressed by South African students is likely to appear across the globe. He told The Atlantic, "South Africa is not unique. It's just the most acute manifestation of a global conflict that's emerging."

Grammar schools what they are and why are they controversial

8 September 2016

BBC News answers some of the key questions about grammar schools and poses some 11-plus questions for readers to tackle.

What is a grammar school?

Grammar schools are state secondary schools that select their pupils by means of an examination taken by children at age 11, known as the "11-plus".

There are only about 163 grammar schools in England, out of some 3,000 state secondaries, and a further 69 grammar schools in Northern Ireland.

Under the grammar school system, pupils who pass the exam can go to the local grammar, while those who do not go to the local "secondary modern school".

More common across the UK is the "comprehensive" system, in which pupils of all abilities and aptitudes are taught together.

There are no state grammars in Wales or Scotland, and although some retain the name "grammar school", they are non-selective and have no special status.

When were they first introduced?

Image caption Brighton, Hove and Sussex Grammar School as seen in 1959

Grammar schools have existed since the 16th Century, but the modern grammar school concept dates back to the Education Act 1944. This made secondary education after the age of 14 free.

At the same time secondary education was reorganised into two basic types:

grammar schools, which focused on academic studies, with the assumption that many of their pupils would go on to higher education

secondary modern schools, which were intended for children who would be going into trades

There was a third type of school, the technical school - but very few were established.

So the system effectively divided pupils into two types - those destined for university and better jobs, and those deemed more suitable for less celebrated professions.

Why did the system change?

During the 1950s and 1960s, it was said, mainly by Labour politicians and egalitarian educationalists, that the selective education system reinforced class division and middle-class privilege.

In 1965, the government ordered local education authorities to start phasing out grammar schools and secondary moderns, and replace them with a comprehensive system.

The quickest changes were made in Labour-controlled areas, while strongly Conservative counties moved slowly or not at all.

A handful of counties and local authorities in England have kept largely selective schools systems, including Kent, Medway, Buckinghamshire and Lincolnshire, while others such as Gloucestershire, Trafford and Slough have a mix.

In other places, a few grammar schools survived in areas that were otherwise fully comprehensive, such as Birmingham, Bournemouth and some London boroughs.

In 1998, Labour's School Standards and Framework Act forbade the establishment of any new all-selective schools.

It also made provisions for local ballots on the future of existing grammar schools.

Only one such ballot has taken place since then. In 2000, parents in Ripon, North Yorkshire, voted by 67% to 33% in favour of keeping Ripon Grammar as a grammar school.

How do grammar schools select their pupils?

Grammar schools select their pupils by means of a test, known as the 11-plus, which is taken by pupils in the last year of primary school.

It is designed to see if they are able enough to learn in a grammar school environment with peers of a similar standard.

But many complain about the nature of the test, as it often features types of questions not usually adopted in regular state primaries.

Grammar school entrance exams can consist of all or a subset of the following:

• Numerical reasoning (maths)

• Verbal reasoning

• English comprehension, punctuation and grammar

• Non-verbal reasoning

• Creative writing

They have traditionally used questions based on verbal reasoning and non-verbal reasoning, and it is argued that those who have been intensively tutored tend to do much better in these tests.

Recently there have been attempts to make the tests more accessible and closer to the kind of word problems children face in primary schools.

Image caption These boys attended a grammar school in Manchester in 1961

Some grammar schools admit successful students by ranked order - all candidates are ranked by their 11-plus score - literally creaming the best pupils off the top.

In other areas, pupils who pass the test are then ranked by admission criteria, which can include the distance they live from the school or whether they already have a sibling there.

There are numerous companies that offer specialist 11-plus tutoring to children from an early age.

Where do the main political parties stand on grammar schools?

Labour oppose the creation of more grammar schools saying that instead of improving equality, they make it worse.

The Conservatives Party support for grammar schools was lukewarm under previous Prime Minister David Cameron, but its manifesto states it will allow all good schools to expand "whether they are maintained schools, academies, free schools or grammar schools".

The Liberal Democrats would maintain the status quo, not opening any more or closing any existing ones.

Philanthropy and education video

https://www.cnbc.com/video/2018/02/15/blackstone-ceo-we-need-to-change-education-paradigm.html

UK student loanshttp://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/education-17309755/how-much-will-students-really-have-to-pay-for-their-student-loan

Universities are reaching out

Universities are reaching out - but some disadvantaged students remain hidden

Anand Shukla

If widening participation efforts are to pay off, universities must do more to find the young people who remain under the radar

Mon 16 Nov 2015

There has been some good news recently for social mobility. This year saw another increase in the number of students starting university and the Office of Fair Access has found that 90% of universities and colleges have either met, or are on course to meet, their widening participation targets.

But other research has found that universities’ efforts to widen participation are missing out some key groups: young carers, young people in care, and poor school pupils who happen to live in affluent neighbourhoods.

So let’s take a moment to pause before we put out the bunting. Welcome though the government’s and Offa’s findings are, the headline figures mask a much more complex picture when it comes to who is getting access to university and who is being left out.

Higher tuition fees are distorting the choices

Part of the issue is the definition of “disadvantaged”. The widening participation benchmarks set for universities involve looking both at the proportions of students from areas of low participation and at their parents’ occupation. This may seem to be a reasonable definition on the surface, but recent research with widening participation departments by the University of the West of England suggests that numerous young people miss out and that the targets even distort the overall picture.

Our education charity, Brightside, has seen this at first hand in the work we do in rural and coastal communities in Kent, Hampshire and West Sussex. These areas are perceived as relatively well-off, so the disadvantage is often hidden. But as a consequence, these areas miss out on many university outreach schemes.

It’s easy to understand the reliance on post code data – it’s readily available and relatively straightforward to collect. But it does mean that many young people who are clearly deserving of additional support aren’t getting it.

The Carers Trust has also found that young people who care for relatives might not identify themselves as disadvantaged, and universities don’t ask for this information in their applications. Yet their caring commitments mean they may need greater support to get into and succeed at university.

Another group of young people who need more attention from universities are care leavers. While they can be targeted through their local authority, young people who become estranged from their parents after the age of 16 often go under the radar as a recent report from Stand Alone and Unite Foundation has pointed out.

Plus, a student finance system that primarily looks at parental income is tough for teenagers to navigate if they’ve lost touch with their parents.

Should unis use contextual data when considering student applications?

It is really hard to reach all young people from disadvantaged backgrounds who, with some additional tailored and focused support, could thrive in higher education. But if we want widening participation to be a true exercise in widening social mobility, then we must rise to the challenge.

Free-school-meal data, for example, is a much more rounded measure of disadvantage. It is more difficult to collect, but we could start by making sure this data is shared much more readily with universities.

Universities themselves should broaden their focus and collaborate with third-sector organisations who can help them identify young people who could benefit from their outreach work. Specialist pastoral care, such as mentoring from other students who have overcome similar obstacles, should be available once young people reach university.

And just as importantly, the young people in question need to be made aware such support exists to encourage their applications in the first place.

So yes, hitting widening participation targets is crucial for the pursuit of social mobility, but let’s be sure that we are aiming in the right direction first.

Vidéo introductive sur le sujet :

https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=social+justice+&&view=detail&mid=7F4182E637D4DD9735317F4182E637D4DD973531&&FORM=VRDGAR

American Federation of Labour - Congress of Industrial Organisations

L'American Federation of Labor - Congress of Industrial Organizations, dite AFL-CIO, est le principal regroupement syndical des États-Unis. Il est membre de la Confédération syndicale internationale et de la Confédération syndicale des travailleurs et travailleuses des Amériques.

Autre support possible, Ted Talk America’s forgotten working class

https://www.ted.com/talks/j_d_vance_america_s_forgotten_working_class?referrer=playlist-talks_to_help_you_understand_s