arqueologÍa de la construcciÓn iii :

ARQUEOLOGÍA DE LA CONSTRUCCIÓNIII

stefano camporeaLeHéLène dessaLes

antonio pizzo(eds.)

CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTÍFICAS JUNTA DE EXTREMADURA - CONSORCIO DE MÉRIDA

Instituto de Arqueología de Mérida

UNIVERSITÀ DI SIENADipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti

ÉCOLE NORMALE SUPÉRIEUREDépartement des Sciences de l’Antiquité

MADRID-MÉRIDA, 2012

Los procesos constructivos en eL mundo romano: La economía de Las obras

(École Normale Supérieure, París, 10-11 de diciembre de 2009)

© CSIC© Stefano Camporeale, Hélène Dessales, Antonio Pizzo (eds.) y de los distintos autores© De la traducción, Sebastian StrideNIPO: 723-12-117-8e-NIPO: 723-12-118-3ISBN: 978-84-00-09500-0 e-ISBN: 978-84-00-09501-7 Depósito Legal: M-26357-2012Impreso en España, Printed in Spain

En esta edición se ha utilizado papel ecológico sometido a un proceso de blanqueado ECF, cuya fibra procede de bosques gestionados de forma sostenible.

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Imagen de cubierta: representación con escena de obra, tumba de Trebius Justus, via Latina, Roma (autorización: Museo Nazionale Romano, Servizio di fotoriproduzione).Imagen de contracubierta: detalle de la escena de cubierta.

Esta publicación se ha visto beneficiada a través de distintas acciones y proyectos:Acción integrada con la Università di Siena HI2007-0236. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.Acción complementaria HUM2007-29214. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.Proyecto de Investigación Excavaciones en el Arco cuadrifronte del foro Boario (Roma) HAR 2009-14314-C03-02. Ministerio de Cultura.

ASH MORTAR AND VAULTING TUBES:AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND THE BUILDING

INDUSTRY IN NORTH AFRICA*

LYNNE C. LANCASTEROhio University

ABSTRACT

In this paper I examine two building materials that illustrate the way in which agricultural practices affected choices in the building industry in North Africa. The first is the use of ash from cereals and herbivore manure as a pozzolanic additive for creating a hydraulic mortar. Recent experimental studies have shown that ash from wheat straw and herbivore manure, which are high in silica, produce a pozzolanic reaction when mixed with lime mortar. The mortar of linings in cisterns in North Africa often contains ash, and I suggest that wheat and manure are the likely sources of this ash. The second technique is the use of terracotta vaulting tubes, the proliferation of which began in the area of modern Tunisia during the 3rd century A.D. I suggest that this phenomenon can be related to imperial agricultural policy during the 2nd century A.D., which promoted more intensive and widespread cultivation in Africa Proconsularis and with it a certain amount of deforestation. Increased exportation of agricultural products led to improved land transport networks in the interior and to the necessity for production of large numbers of terracotta amphoras for

shipping liquid foodstuffs. With the concomitant growth of the ceramics industry, the vaulting tubes became an economically viable alternative to the more traditional wooden centering, which the tubes replaced. Thus the proliferation of the vaulting tubes is simply one of the many phenomena resulting from North Africa’s rise as one of the major agricultural producers during the 2nd century.

RÉSUMÉ

Dans cet article sont examinés deux matériaux de construction qui illustrent comment les pratiques agricoles ont pu influer sur les choix opérés dans l’industrie de la construction en Afrique du nord. Le premier est l’usage de cendre issue de céréales et de fumier d’herbivores comme additif « pouzzolanique » pour créer un mortier hydraulique. Des études expérimentales récentes ont montré que la cendre produite à partir de paille de blé et de crotin d’herbivores, à la forte tenue en silice, produit une réaction pouzzolanique lorsqu’elle se trouve mêlée au mortier de chaux. Le mortier de revêtement des citernes en Afrique du Nord contient souvient de la cendre et l’hypothèse peut être faite que le blé ou le crottin en soient probablement à l’origine. La seconde technique est l’utilisation des tubes de voûte en terre cuite, dont la diffusion massive a lieu au cours du IIIe siècle ap. J.-C., dans la zone correspondant à la Tunisie moderne. Nous proposons l’hypothèse que ce phénomène soit lié à la politique agricole impériale du IIe siècle ap. J.-C., avec la promotion d’une culture du blé plus intensive dans l’Africa Proconsularis, à l’origine d’un certain nombre de déforestations. L’exportation croissante de produits agricoles a entrainé l’amélioration des réseaux de transport à l’intérieur et la nécessité de produire de grande qualité d’amphores de terre cuite pour le transport maritime des liquides alimentaires. Avec la croissance concomitante de l’industrie céramique, les

*All illustrations are by the author unless otherwise indicated. Numerous people have contributed to the research presented here. I am indebted to Andrew Wilson at Oxford University for bringing the use of ash mortar in North Africa to my attention a few years ago and for providing me with a copy of his dissertation as I was preparing this manuscript. Many of the examples cited in this article are ones that he has provided. I also thank colleagues at Ohio University for their help with the ash mortar experiment: Steve Hays in the Department of Classics and World Religions and his wife Barbara for helping acquire the horse and sheep manure from their farm, Brian Dieterle in the Department of Ceramics for firing the ashes, and Jeff Rack from the Department of Chemistry who provided me with vials. I am grateful to Stefano Camporeale for sharing his comments on an early draft of my ideas about the vaulting tubes and to an anonymous reviewer for extremely useful comments on the ceramic industry in North Africa.

146 Lynne C. Lancaster Anejos de AEspA LXIV

tubes de voûte sont devenus une alternative économique valable, face aux techniques plus traditionnelles de cintres en bois, que les tubes sont venus remplacer. Ainsi, laprolifération des tubes de voûtes est simplement un des multiples phénomènes qui résultent de l’émergence de l’Afrique du Nord comme une des premières régions de production agricole au IIe siècle ap. J.-C.

KEYWORDS: Agriculture, amphora, ash, cistern, horse manure, hydraulic mortar, North Africa, olive oil, vault, vaulting tube

MOTS-CLÉS : Agriculture, amphore, cendres, citerne, crottin de cheval, mortier hydraulique, Afrique du Nord, huile d’olive, voûte, tubes de voûte

In this paper I examine two building materials that illustrate the way in which agricultural practices affected choices in the building industry in North Africa. The first is the use of ash as a pozzolanic additive for creating a waterproof mortar for lining liquid containment structures, such as cisterns, aqueduct channels, and fish salting vats. The second is the use of vaulting tubes (tubi fittili) and their connection to agricultural production in North Africa.

ASH MORTAR

The use of ash as an additive in mortar is not a well known phenomenon, but numerous examples occur in North Africa, most in the context of waterproof linings.1 The most common way of creating waterproof mortar in the ancient Mediterranean was to add crushed terracotta to lime mortar to form cocciopesto. The clay used to make terracotta objects contains high levels of silica, which when fired between temperatures of 600° C and ca. 950° C becomes amorphous so that it is soluble and can combine with lime and water in a chemical reaction.2 The resulting substance, calcium silicate hydrate (C-S-H), is insoluble and thus imparts the hydraulic (waterproof) properties to the mortar. Any substance that can combine with lime to create C-S-H is referred to as a “pozzolan”, which is distinct from the term “pozzolana”, which refers to volcanic ash that can

1 Wilson 1997, 53.2 Baronio – Binda 1997; Chakchouk et al. 2006; He et al.

1995.

be used to create hydraulic mortar.3 Regarding the properties of mortar, “pozzolanic activity” comprises two factors: the ability of a substance to combine with lime to create C-S-H and the rate at which it reacts,4 so a substance that combines with lime very quickly is highly pozzolanic whereas one that combines with lime more slowly is less pozzolanic. Likewise, a substance that combines more lime is more pozzolanic than one that combines less lime. Terracotta is just one of a number of substances that can act as a pozzolan. Another one commonly used in modern times is the waste product of burning coal, fly ash, which contains a large amount of amorphous silica.

Like fly ash, the ash of some plants, particularly fast growing annual plants such as grasses and cereals like wheat and rye, contains a high level of soluble silica. Ashes from trees and bushes, on the other hand, contain very little silica and thus have limited potential for use as a pozzolan (fig. 1).5 Recently, researchers in Turkey have even investigated the possibility of using wheat straw ash as an economical substitute for Portland cement.6

Africa Proconsularis was a major grain producing province in antiquity, so the use of burnt remains from the threshing floor or even field stubble is possible. The practice of field burning between crops in order to kill weeds is not often discussed in ancient texts, but it is mentioned by Vergil7, who in turn is cited by Pliny the Elder.8 It is also attested in two agricultural calendars;9 however, is not directly attested in North Africa.

A second possible source is the ash from the manure of herbivores, which eat various types of grasses and cereals with high levels of silica. Pliny10 recommended that manure be used as a fertilizer to control the acidity of the soil. He notes that farmers north of the Po valley were particularly fond of using the ash of light weight manure of draft animals, fimus iumentorum, which implies equines

3 The term “pozzolana” is not a geological term but rather a builder’s term to refer to any of a number of volcanic ashes that can be used to make hydraulic mortar.

4 Massazza 2002, 328.5 Biricik et al. 1999; Rogers 1991, 26.6 Biricik et al. 1999.7 Verg. georg. 1.84.8 Plin. nat. 18.300.9 White 1970, 194-5.10 Plin. nat. 17.49.

Anejos de AEspA LXIV 147ASH MORTAR AND VAULTING TUBES

Fig. 1. Chart showing the percentages of some of the major components in the ashes of various cereals and tree woods (after Rogers 1991, 26).

such as horses, mules, and donkeys.11 In fact, recent studies have revealed the potential for the use of cow manure ash made from feedlot waste as a substitute for Portland cement.12

As a means of determining the most likely sources of ash used by the ancient builders in North Africa, I employed a simple test for determining the pozzolanicity of a substance that is described by A.D. Cowper in his 1927 book, Lime and Lime Mortar. He instructs the reader to add 0.5 gm of the powdered pozzolan to be tested to 0.3 gm of slaked lime in a small vial, to cover it with a few centimeters of water, and then to shake the vial every 12 hours for a week. He explains that if the reaction creating C-S-H is occurring then the substance in the vial will grow as more lime is converted into C-S-H because the hydrates created in this colloidal condition are much bulkier than the lime or the pozzolan.13 For the tests, I chose the ashes of grass, wheat, horse manure, and sheep manure. As a control, I included the ashes of hardwood branches with bark attached (which contains some silica) as well as the ashes of a pine board. I continued the experiment for much longer than the week recommended by Cowper in order to determine when each substance reached its

11 Horse manure is much less dense that the manure of ruminants such as cows, sheep and goats.

12 Bellizia et al. 2002; Şahin et al. 2006.13 Cowper 1927, 48-9.

maximum height within the vial.14

The results, shown in figures 2 & 3, indicate that the grass and wheat ash reacted quickly, but they did not convert as much lime into C-S-H as did the manure ashes, which reacted more slowly but ultimately created much more C-S-H. The horse manure ash was somewhat quicker to react than the sheep manure ash, but after 38 days both had converted similar amounts of lime into C-S-H. The wood ash did not display much reactivity at all and created very little C-S-H. At 80 days the wheat ash had increased by 20% beyond the 38-day mark, the horse manure ash by 24%, and the sheep manure ash by 40%. At 200 days the wheat ash had remained the same, the horse manure ash had grown an additional 39%, and the sheep manure ash an additional 34%. Thus the manure ashes produced over 2.5 times more material than the wheat ash. The sheep ash ultimately produced slightly more than the horse ash.

Why the manure ashes converted so much more lime than the wheat ash is not clear. Initially I thought the burn temperature could be the major factor. The Turkish scholars discovered that the optimum burn temperature for the wheat ash was 670° C in order to attain the greatest compressive strength for the mortar.15 I was not able to measure

14 I used a lime: pozzolan mix of 1 part powdered slaked lime to 2 parts ash (volume) in 150 ml vials. The ashes had to be washed first to lower the alkalinity; otherwise they floated to the top and would not mix with the lime.

15 Biricik et al. 1999, 639.


Fig. 2. Series of photographs showing the growth of C-S-H in the vials at various intervals.

the precise the burn temperature of the ashes I used, but the lighter color of manure ashes indicates that they burned much hotter than the grass and wheat. The manures burned for a long time creating embers that produced a gray ash (horse-10R 5/1, sheep-7.5YR 5/1) whereas the grass and wheat ash both burned very quickly producing bluish black ashes (grass-10B 2.5/1, wheat-5PB 2.5/1). As a further test, I had the wheat and grass ash fired a second time in a pottery kiln at 670° C.16 The wheat ash turned a reddish gray color

16 Both the firing temperature and the duration of the firing

(2.5YR 6/1) similar to the manure ashes, and the grass ash turned a light brown color (7.5YR 6/4). The manure clearly burned closer to the optimal temperature for wheat established by the Turkish researchers. However, the fired wheat ash (not illustrated) converted the same amount of lime as the unfired wheat ash, whereas the manure ashes continued to react long after the both wheat ashes had ceased, so the burn temperature cannot completely explain the difference. Thus this experiment raises questions that I cannot answer,

were factors in the Turkish experiments.


but perhaps future studies will be able to provide clarification.

Ultimately, this simple experiment demonstrates that any combination of grasses, straw, wheat chaff, and herbivore manure would have made good pozzolanic ash for mixing with mortar. The grass and straw could be used as tender for starting the fire and dried herbivore manure for attaining a more efficient burn. In Tripolitania, D. Mattingly and G. Barker found evidence for collections of dung of sheep and goats indicating that they were stabled at least part of the year. They suggest that this may have been a means of collecting manure for fertilization;17 however, as shown above, it would also have been useful for creating ash for mortar.18

Most of the examples of ash mortar shown on the distribution plan in figure 4 cannot be dated with accuracy, but at least some of them appear to be Punic. For example, samples of mortar from the cisterns of the Punic houses at Byrsa in Carthage have been shown to contain small amounts of

17 Mattingly – Barker 2005, 190.18 In Tripolitania, Wilson notes the use of ash mortar at

Leptis Magna (1997, 53) and a “grayish brown mortar with gravel inclusions” in the fish-salting vats at Sabratha (2007, 173).

organic ash.19 Moreover, at least two examples have multiple layers of waterproof mortar where the earliest layer of ash mortar has been covered with later layers of cocciopesto. One occurs at Carthage in a cistern in the excavations of the University of Michigan at the House of the Charioteer, where the original lining consisted of a gray ash mortar with subsequent layers of cocciopesto added.20 The other occurs at El Maklouba in a cistern likely dating to Punic times where the original mortar lining was the gray ash type and was later covered by cocciopesto.21 The use of ash in mortar appears to have been a pre-Roman phenomenon, but datable examples from aqueducts and cisterns from the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. at Meninx show that it continued to be used alongside cocciopesto well into the Roman period.22

Cowper’s test can determine if one substance produces more or less C-S-H than another, but it does not provide an absolute index of the ultimate efficacy of the waterproofing capabilities of the final

19 Davis – Humphrey 1981, 43-4.20 Davis – Humphrey 1981, 47-9.21 Wilson 1997, 53.22 Rabinowitz 2009, 215; Wilson 2009a, 177-97; 2009b,

234-5.

Fig. 3. Chart of growth of C-S-H in vials in figure 2.


mortar.23 In order to test the hydraulic properties of various types of mortar, I created four different mortar mixtures: lime and illitic Red Art clay fired at 720° C, lime and pozzolana from Rome, lime and horse manure ash, and lime and sand. I let these harden for a month and then put them in water for three weeks. The pozzolana mortar and the fired clay mortar produced a very minor amount of disintegration. The horse manure ash produced about three times more disintegrated material than the pozzolana and fired clay, and the lime-sand mixture produced about six times more than the pozzolana and fired clay. The results indicate that the addition of horse manure ash imparted hydraulicity to the lime mortar but that it was not as effective as the addition of the fired clay or pozzolana. Perhaps

23 Massazza (1998, 496-7, fig. 10.12) has shown that there is not a linear relationship between the amount of C-S-H produced and the amount of strength gain, which is affected by more complex factors that are not completely understood, and this also appears to be the case with hydraulic properties.

this explains why it was replaced by cocciopesto in the examples discussed above.

We do not yet know what was burned to produce the ash in the mortars that have been found, but the fact that all have been used specifically as linings for cisterns, tanks, and aqueducts suggests that the ash was added intentionally to produce waterproof properties. The experiments presented here were intended to narrow the possibilities of the types of ashes that could have been used. Wood does not typically have enough silica to produce ash that can react with lime whereas the grasses, cereals and herbivore manure would have been good potential ash sources. Further analysis of such ash mortar is necessary to determine the amount and nature of ash used in the mix, but whatever the organic source of the ash, the parent material was most likely agricultural waste of some sort, which was adapted for use as a pozzolan specifically for liquid containment structures.

Fig. 4. Distribution map of documented examples of ash mortar.


Fig. 5. Diagram of barrel vault construction using nozzle tubes.

VAULTING TUBES

The second building technique I examine in relation to agriculture is the use of terracotta vaulting tubes in North Africa beginning in the second half of the 2nd century A.D. The tubes are usually ca. 6 cm in diameter, and they have a nozzle at one end that is inserted into the open end of the next tube (fig. 5). The nozzle provides enough play between the tubes so that they can be adjusted to the appropriate curvature of the vault. The tubes are set into quick drying mortar of gypsum, which was abundantly available in North Africa. However, gypsum mortar is water soluble, so with water infiltration many tubes have fallen away leaving only the lime mortar concrete (figs. 6-7).24 The great advantage offered by this system is that the vaults could be built without the use of wooden centering by “gluing” the tubes together to create a shell on which the concrete could be laid.

This technique of building vaults using interlocking terracotta vessels is first found centuries earlier at a 3rd-century B.C. bath building at Morgantina on Sicily (fig. 8).25 The tubes were used in two barrel vaults (5.0 and 5.5 m span) and a dome (5.75 m span). These tubes are much larger (60-70 cm) than the North African ones and are bullet shaped without a nozzle (fig.

24 The experiments presented in the previous section show that simple lime mortar also deteriorates in contact with water, which raises the possibility that builders were adding some type of pozzolan to their building mortar, as recently demonstrated for the mortar in Turkey in the Serapeum at Pergamum (Özkayaa – Böke 2009) and structures at Sagalassos (Degryse et al. 2002).

25 Allen 1974.

9). Because of their large size and the necessity to be slightly curved to fit the arc of the vaults, the tubes had to be formed by hand (as opposed to wheel-made). Some of the tubes appear to have been connected with iron pins. Two types of tubes have been found at this site; the second type seems to have been a lighter improved version of

Fig. 7. Detail of vault in figure 6 showing remaining tubes.

Fig. 6. Vault from baths at Thelepte showing detail where tubes have fallen away.


Fig. 8. Distribution map of bullet tubes, nozzle tubes, and kiln pots.

the first type. So there was clearly a process of experimentation occurring.26 S. Lucore, the most recent excavator of the structure, has suggested that the inspiration for the tubes may have been taken from water pipes, and the use of water pipes to create a similar type vault at Pompeii (fig. 9) adds credibility to this suggestion.27 In any case, the tubes were made specifically for this context and were not mass produced like the later North African nozzle tubes.

The next documented example of vaulting tubes comes from a mid 2nd-century B.C. bath at Cabrera del Mar near Barcelona in a barrel vault (5 m span) and a dome (3 m span). These are much smaller (ca. 22 cm long) than the Morgantina ones, and they are wheel-made, but they take a similar bullet shape so that each rounded end could be inserted into the open end of the adjacent one (fig. 9). They also were put together with iron pins, but in this case the tubes meant to carry the pins were specially fashioned with a transverse interior tube into which the pin was inserted.28

26 Lucore 2009, 46-9.27 Storz 1994, 35-6.28 Lucore 2009, 54; Martín 2000.

As at Morgantina, they were clearly made for a particular context and not mass produced. Both of these early examples occur in bath buildings at a time before concrete vaulting was developed in these areas. As suggested by R. Wilson, the impetus to develop such a vault may have come from a desire to have a safer and longer lasting structure than a wooden one, which would have been susceptible to fire and rot.29 After these two early examples of bullet-shaped tubes, there are no other securely datable examples of the technique in buildings until the one mentioned above at Pompeii that employed water pipes.30

Both R. Wilson and S. Storz have suggested that the inspiration for the vaulting tubes could have come from the pottery industry because the roofs of kilns were sometimes made of interlocking

29 Wilson 1992, 108.30 Examples of nozzle tubes have been found at Mozia,

Sicily and were originally published as being from a 1st century B.C. context (Tusa 1970, 10-1), but a later publication explained that the context had been disturbed (Tusa 2000, 1401), thus leaving no certain date. Tomasello (2005, 152 n. 6) notes that the form of these tubes suggests a later imperial date. R. Wilson (1992, 110-3) discusses in detail the vexed question of other potential early examples from Sicily, but in each case the dating evidence is inconclusive. See also Tomasello 2005, 152-4.


terracotta pots.31 The earliest example known thus far has been excavated recently near Chiusi in Italy and can be dated slightly later than the Cabrera del Mar baths to the second half of the 2nd century

31 Storz 1994, 4-5, 10; Wilson 1992, 107-8.

B.C.32 Another early example of the kiln vaulting pots has been found in Italy at Ordona from the late 2nd/1st century B.C. (fig. 9).33 Examples of

32 Mascione 2003, 51; Mascione – Aprosio 2003, 263-70.33 Deru – Paicheler 2000, 438, figs. 404.1-2; Mertens 1988,

62.

Fig. 9. Chart of forms of various vaulting tubes and kiln pots mentioned in the text. (Chiusi: after Mascione – Aprosio 2003, Tav. 68; Ordona: after Deru – Paicheler 2000, fig. 404; Sallèles d’Aude: after Laubenheimer 1990, figs. 40-41; Mainz: after Heising 2007, Abb. 46; Morgantina, Pompeii, Utica, Leptis Magna, Bulla Regia: after Tomasello 2005, figs. 2-3; Carthage: after Storz

1994, Taf.3.4; Fiumana: after Arslan 1965, fig. 79; Rimini: after Stoppioni 1993, 108.


kiln roofs made in this way became common from the Augustan period through the 2nd century A.D. and have been found in southern France, in the Po valley, in Pompeii, and in Germany especially along the Rhine (fig. 8).34 Newly excavated evidence demonstrates that potters were not simply using wasters (as once thought) but rather were turning specially made pots to create the roofs of their kilns. Given the chronological evidence available thus far, I would suggest that the handmade tubes from Morgantina were an experimental endeavor that was not inspired by the use of vaulting pots in kilns but rather that the idea was later further developed and spread via the pottery industry.

An examination of the forms in figure 9 reveals that the vaulting pots for kilns are close in shape to the earlier bullet-shaped tubes in the bath buildings whereas the nozzle tubes from North Africa are distinctly different from these predecessors; there is a developmental change at some point. The nozzle was critical in the development because it provided greater purchase between the elements as well as greater play between them to create a wide range of curvatures. The tubes could be made in different lengths, but for the most part the diameter remained constant around 5-6 cm. This was a form and size designed for mass production, which was necessary if they were to be used for large-scale vaults. Isolating the change is not easy given the dating difficulties, but a non-standard nozzle tube from a necropolis at Utica (fig. 9) that may date as early as the early 2nd century A.D. could represent a transitional phase.35 A mid-2nd century example at Leptis Magna also employed long non-standardized tubes similar to the water pipes used at Pompeii. These were unusual in being placed parallel to the axis of the barrel vault and did not form arches of interlocking tubes.36

The standardized form of the tubes appear to have been fully developed by around 170 A.D. when they were used for cross vaults (5 m span) at the fabrica at Simitthus.37 The next securely

34 France: Laubenheimer 1990. Pompeii: Cerulli Irelli 1977. Po valley: Stoppioni 1993. Germany: Dušek 1992; Heising 2007.

35 Lézine (1954, 180, fig. 1.1) notes that this necropolis does not continue past the early 2nd century A.D., but the context is not explained. Wilson (1992, 104) questions whether it can be considered so early.

36 Tomasello 2005, 146-7, fig. 63, 199-200.37 Rakob 1994, Abb. 65, Taf. 81b-c, 83b-c; Mackensen

2005, 100-1, 122.

dated examples appear in a series of Severan bath structures that are directly related to the military: at Aqua Flavianae in Algeria, Bu Ngem in Libya, Dura Europos in Syria, and Chester and Caerleon in Britain, which may suggest a role for the military in the initial dissemination of the new form of nozzle tube outside of North Africa.38 The example at Aquae Flavianae was not on a military base as were the others, but it is located ca. 70 km east of the legionary base at Lambaesis along the main road to Carthage, and Septimius Severus had it rebuilt by a detachment of soldiers in A.D. 208.39 There the tubes were used to construct a very large dome (12 m dia.), which suggests that the builders had full confidence in the technique by this time. Nevertheless, the true proliferation began in the area of modern Tunisia during the 3rd century and remained rare outside of North Africa until the 4th century (fig. 8).

If the idea of interlocking terracotta vessels was employed in one form or another more or less continuously from the 3rd/2nd century B.C., one must wonder what caused the new standardized nozzle tubes suddenly to become ubiquitous in Africa Proconsularis during the 3rd century A.D.? Forty years ago, A. Carandini proposed the idea of a connection between the growth of ceramic production and olive cultivation in Africa Proconsularis.40 I would like to modify his proposal in light of more recent evidence relating to the ceramic industry and North African agricultural exports and to put the development of the vaulting tubes within this revised context.

North Africa’s increased importance for the annona during the 2nd century is well recognized. The imperial effort to increase agricultural production is documented in various types of inscriptions, the most famous of which are those found on the imperial properties near Thugga in the Medjerda river valley. A Trajanic inscription found at Henchir-Mettich (A.D. 116-117) authorizes sharecroppers working on imperial estates to take over subseciva, or unused lands (usually poorer

38 Aqua Flavianae: Gsell 1893, 510 pl. 8; 1901, 238. Bu Ngem: Goodchild 1954, 60; Rebuffat 1976-77, 44-7, pl. 16-7. Baths F3 at Dura Europos: Brown 1936, 50, 61, pl. 14.1; Downey 2000, 169 (for later dating). Baths in elliptical building at Chester: Mason 2000, 136. Legionary baths at Caerleon: Zienkiewicz 1986, 107-12, 334-6, fig. 111, nos. 18-21.

39 CIL VIII 17727-8.40 Carandini 1970, 97-119.


quality) and details the regulations that govern their tenancy set forth in the lex Manciana. The inscription notes the amount of each crop that the shareholder was obliged to pay in rent each season, and it ensured that the heirs of the sharecropper could continue to use the land after his death. The crops specified include wheat, barley, beans, wine, figs, fruit trees, olive oil, and honey. Of particular interest is the clause that released the sharecropper from the obligation of rent in kind for five years after planting vines or fig trees and ten years after planting olive trees.41 Unlike grain, which produces the year it is planted, these crops require time to mature, so the law provided both an incentive to invest and the security to make a long term investment for these types of crops.

Two later inscriptions found in the same area at Aïn-el Djemala (A.D. 117-138) and Aïn Wassel (A.D. 198-209) refer to the lex Hadriana de rudibus agris, a law under Hadrian that set forth regulations for taking over neglected lands. The petitioners in the Aïn-el Djemala inscription ask for the right to reclaim lands in marshes and forests in order to set up olive orchards and vineyards, and the lex Hadriana granted them the right to take over not only unused lands but also those that had been leased out and neglected for 10 years. It guaranteed the sharecroppers the rights set forth in the lex Manciana and specified a 10-year tax remittance for planting olives. The lex Hadriana was meant to encourage sharecroppers not only to reclaim forests and marshlands but any unused lands.42 These inscriptions record an important move towards promoting the cultivation of the more marginal lands, which may not have supported grain production but could support hardier vines and olive trees. The measures documented in these inscriptions thus provided the legal protection and the security for sharecroppers on imperial properties to invest in the clearing of land and the investment in its upkeep.

F. De Romanis has recently pointed to a heightened imperial interest in exploiting the grain supply from North Africa, particularly as indicated by road building that connected the growing areas in the hinterlands to ports.43 Hadrianic milestone inscriptions suggest that this was a period of major

41 Kehoe 1988, 29-48.42 Kehoe 1988, 55-63.43 De Romanis 2003, 704-7.

development in the road network with links built between Sitifis and Rusicade (A.D. 124), Cirta (A.D. 124/126) and Saldae (?), and Simitthus and Thabraca (A.D. 129).44 Later under Commodus, the creation of the new harbor at Carthage and the honoring of the city as “Alexandria togata” suggests an increased importance of North African grain for the annona,45 and the 3rd-century inscription of the Harvester of Mactar indicates that grain could provide a route to great wealth and social advancement by this time.46 The internal road system was critical in connecting the rapidly developing interior lands to the shipping routes (fig. 10).

The arid areas of the inland steppes around Cillium, between Thelepte and Sufetula, also began to be developed during the 2nd century. A mausoleum sitting along the major road through Cillium celebrates the accomplishments of the Flavius family with long poems inscribed on its walls. One of them notes that T. Flavius Secundus, who died in the second half of the 2nd century, had introduced irrigation and vineyards to the area and with them the pleasures of Bacchus.47 Surveys recording villas, irrigation, and oil presses also indicate that by the 3rd century the area was extensively developed for olive cultivation.48 These drier areas (<400 mm annual rainfall) further south in the inland steppe region and the Sahel further east were not suited for cereal production, but with proper irrigation olive and vine cultivation was possible so that lands previously unexploited were made productive. Even in the grain producing areas in the north around Thugga, where the land tenure inscriptions were found, mixed cultivation that included olive trees is evident from recent surveys.49 The agrarian legislation during the 2nd century was apparently effective in increasing the agricultural production in both the fertile northern

44 Sitifis: CIL VIII 10363; Cirta: ILS 5872-3 (per possessores territori Cirtensium); Simitthu to Thabraca: CIL VIII 10960=22199.

45 Hist. Aug. Comm. 17.8.46 CIL VIII 11824=ILS 7457.47 CIL VIII 212; Groupe de recherches sur l’Afrique antique

1993, 251-6.48 Hitchner 1995b, 143-57. Whether the lex Manciana

applied to non-imperial lands is unclear, but Hitchner (1995a; 1995b, 141) has suggested that it may have also been applicable to marginal lands outside the imperial holdings in the north.

49 De Vos 2000, 22-4; 2008.


areas and the more marginal dry areas to the south. The appearance of the widely distributed

amphoras, Africana 1A and Africana 2A, during the second half of the 2nd century is an indication that export of olive oil and fish products (and possibly wine) also increased during this period. Along the east coast, production of amphoras has been identified at Neapolis, Hadrumetum, Leptiminus, Sullecthum and Thaenae through excavations of production sites and stamps on the amphoras (fig. 10).50 With increased exportation of liquid food stuffs came an increased demand for amphoras in which to ship them. During the Hadrianic period grain was main annona product,

50 Sites in Byzacena: Mattingly 1988, 45-8; Peacock et al. 1989. Leptiminus: Stirling – Ben Lazreg 2001, 229; Stone 2009. Nabeul: Slim et al. 2004. For the contents of various amphora types: Bonifay 2004, 463-75.

but an inscription from Seville suggests that by the 160s olive oil had been added to the system.51 The oil from the interior was transported in skins and then decanted into the transport amphoras at the point of embarkation.52 The appearance of the Africana 1A (oil) in the second half of the 2nd century is presumably a reflection of the increased level of African oil exportation at this time.53

A change in the level of fine ware production can also be seen, with African Sigillata A, which had been manufactured since Flavian times, beginning to dominate the Mediterranean market around A.D. 160-180.54 Though the workshops

51 CIL II 1180=ILS 1403. Oil may have been added as early as the 140s. See Peña 1999, 20-1.

52 Peña 1998, 171.53 Amphoras: Panella 1983, 225-61.54 Bonifay 2003, 115.

Fig. 10. Map showing location of vaulting tubes, ceramic workshops, and roads (primary roads shown with double lines; sec-ondary roads shown with single lines; solid line indicates that evidence exists for road; dashed line indicates reconstruction

(after Talbert 2000).


where it was produced have not been located, archaeometric analysis indicates that they were in the north likely somewhere around Carthage.55 Likewise, the early uses of the vaulting tubes also occurred in the north along the Medjerda river valley at Simitthus, Bulla Regia, and Thugga (fig. 10).56 By the beginning of the 3rd century new workshops producing African Sigillata C appeared in central Tunisia, the largest of which was at Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, thus indicating an expansion of the industry towards the south.57 The construction of the major arteries between Thelepte and Sufetula and eastwards to coastal ports undoubtedly aided in this development. A milestone in this area mentioning a repair to the road from Sufetula to Hadrumetum from A.D. 237 implies that this road system servicing the interior existed earlier,58 which is also implied by the roadside location of the 2nd-century Mausoleum of the Flavii mentioned above. The proliferation of the vaulting tubes appears to be part of this trend in ceramic production. They were used in 3rd-century bath buildings at Thelepte and Sufetula, but their greatest appearance at these two sites occurs in early Christian buildings when the workshops around Sidi Marzouk Tounsi were producing much high quality ware.59

The connection between the appearance of the vaulting tubes and agriculture should be seen in relation to the market forces created by increased agricultural production ever further inland, which in turn led to an increased infrastructure for producing terracotta items on a much larger scale. This infrastructure would have included the road network as well as production equipment like turning wheels, drying areas, skilled labor for producing different types of vessels, and also kilns for firing. The vaulting tubes were likely made reasonably close to the site where they were to be used because great quantities were required for even a small vault. For example, a vault (1.75 m x 1.85 m) reconstructed at Bulla Regia required 944 tubes.60 The largest surviving dome of vaulting tubes at San Vitale in Ravenna (17 m dia) employs

55 Mackensen – Schneider 2006, 173. 56 For examples see lists in Wilson 1992, 125-9 and Storz

1994, 72-91.57 Mackensen – Schneider 2006, 179.58 Barbery – Delhoume 1982, 31.59 Bonifay 2003, 122; Mackensen 2009, 27.60 Olivier – Storz 1983, 125.

around 77,000 tubes. The fortress bath at Chester in England has been estimated to have required more than 219,000 vaulting tubes.61 The bath building at Thelepte (fig. 6) is similar in size to the one at Chester, so one can imagine that the number of tubes required for it would have been a similar order of magnitude. The finger grooves on the tubes show that they were thrown on a wheel, which would have allowed them to be created very quickly. One experimental study has shown that a single tube can be thrown in less than one minute.62

The known ceramic production sites all were involved in some type of production involving turning, whether it was for amphoras, coarse ware, or fine ware,63 so the tubes could be made with the available man power and equipment at most facilities. Unfortunately vaulting tubes can rarely be associated with particular workshops. But two documented examples are known: one at Meninx in an area of kilns that were producing coarse wares and Keay 25 amphoras (wine or olives?),64 and another at Uthina associated with 5th-7th century kilns producing fine ware, lamps, and coarse ware.65

Given the numbers needed, the vaulting tubes would have required a great deal of kiln space. As noted above, the inland workshops tended to specialize in fine ware, and one aspect of the African Sigillata production, which differs from that in Italy and Gaul, is the firing of the vessels in saggars as opposed to the specially made kilns with terracotta pipes to contain the gases. The use of saggars to protect the ware during firing means that the same kiln can be used for both fine ware and coarse ware, which in turn would have allowed for the flexibility to produce the vaulting tubes in the same workshops as the fine ware.66 Mackensen’s analysis of the graffiti on saggars, which indicate different workshop owners, suggests that communal kilns were used, presumably operated by specially trained firing masters.67 This organizational model would have

61 Mason 2005, 52.62 Storz 1994, 33.63 For turning of African sigillata, see Peña 2009.64 Fentress 2009, 173, fig. 10.48; for contents Bonifay 2004,

473-4.65 Mackensen – Schneider 2002, 150.66 For firing of different types of wares in the same kiln, see

Barraud et al. 1998, 165.67 Mackensen 2009, 38.


Fig. 11. Reconstruction showing tube placement in a vault of double curvature occurring at Kobbat Bent El Rey in figure 12.

also leant itself to the firing of special commissions for large batches of vaulting tubes. The only kilns that have been excavated are those of the 6th-7th century at Uthina.68 Taking one of these as a model, we can calculate the number of tubes that could have been fired in an average sized kiln. A round kiln (1.7 m diameter) with an assumed height of 1.7 m could hold 4000-5000 vaulting tubes (length 12-15 cm), which would result in 44-55 firings for a project the size of the Thelepte Baths.

A major factor in the choice to employ the tubes was that they eliminated the necessity of sturdy wooden centering to support the wet concrete of the vault. So, why would the vaulting tubes have been chosen over the timbers so often in Tunisia, especially when the tubes themselves had to be manufactured by hand and then fired? One issue affecting the choice may have been the availability or cost of timbers for the wooden centering. Tertullian, a Christian from Carthage who was writing in the early 3rd century A.D., provides some idea of the effect of the incentives to take over unused land. He notes that: “Wildernesses have been replaced by most charming estates,

68 Barraud et al. 1998.

forests have given way to plowed fields, herds have made the wild beasts retreat, desert sands have been reclaimed, stones have been planted, and marshes drained”69. The desire to take over forested lands was what prompted the petition recorded in the Aïn-el Djemala inscription, mentioned above, and Tertullian’s description suggests that a certain amount of deforestation had occurred in order to create more cultivatable land. If so, the reduction in forested areas would have affected the availability in some areas of the long straight timbers necessary for the centering of traditional concrete vaults.70 The kilns for firing the tubes, on the other hand, did not need the forests for fuel as they were supplied by olive branches, olive pits, and cakes made from the refuse from olive oil processing.71

The choice to use the tubes was probably not simply due to a lack of wood but rather to changing economic dynamics. There were surely wooden boards used on building sites for scaffoldings and other purposes, but if the large timbers had to come from further afield as forests were reclaimed, transportation costs could have become a factor. The tubes themselves had to be manufactured at a cost, but using them in place of wooden centering also eliminated the necessity for skilled carpentry work. Scaffolds, which would still be necessary for building both the walls and vaults were lightweight temporary structures made of short boards that could be lashed together, whereas centerings for large concrete vaults had to be solid enough to support the weight of the concrete. They then had to be dismantled and lowered. The shell of tubes eliminated this procedure and allowed for the construction to continue without interruption. Taking all the economic factors together (materials, transport, labor, and scheduling), the tubes could have offered a viable alternative to timbers if they were produced within a system that was already highly developed for large scale production of other ceramic items. Some large projects such as the Baths of Memmia (A.D. 220-240) at Bulla Regia, employed wooden centering for some vaults and tubes for others.72 The precise

69 De Anima 30.3.70 For discussions of deforestation in North Africa: Ballais

2000; Shaw 1981, 391-3.71 Barraud et al. 1998, 145; Peacock 1982, 25; Stirling –

Ben Lazreg 2001, 228.72 Broise – Thébert 1993, 310-6.


Fig. 12. Reconstruction of vault forms covering the structure at Kobbat Bent El Rey in Carthage (320-340 A.D.).

governing factors for such choices we may never know.

The ubiquitous adoption of the vaulting tubes in Africa Proconsularis eventually led to the creation of a new vaulting form that resulted from the process of setting the tubes into place. They were particularly adapted for creating vaults of double curvature because their small size allowed for easy creation of arches that could be combined into more complex forms (fig. 11). One of the most elaborate examples occurs in Carthage at a structure known as Kobbat Bent El Rey (A.D. 320-340).73 The underground space was originally decorated with mosaics and fountains and may have been some type of meeting place, perhaps for the sodales that organized the animal fights in the amphitheater.74 The main room (3.75 m span) was covered by a sail vault while the ends were covered by a combination of spherical sections to create an unusually complex form (fig. 12). Building a

73 Storz 1994, 50-2.74 Storz 1991, 41-60.

wooden centering to approximate these curves would have been much more difficult and time consuming. Thus, the use of the tubes resulted in a creative new vault form that is not found in vaults made with wooden centering.75

Finally, returning to the theme of the relationship between agriculture and the building industry, I have attempted to show how changes in imperial policy to increase agricultural production eventually led to an economic situation in which the production of thousands of these tubes became a reasonable option for building vaults. This situation was created by the rapid increase in cultivatable land during the 2nd century A.D., which in turn affected the ceramic industry by creating inland transport routes for goods to reach coastal ports, by increasing the necessity for amphoras in which to ship the olive oil, wine, and fish sauce and by creating broader markets with greater shipping

75 Earlier examples of this type of vault, which Storz calls a “trompengewölbe” (trumpet vault), are known from Simitthus and Thugga (Storz 1994, 48-9, 68-9), but Kobbat Bent El Rey is the most advanced form of it.


potential generated by agricultural exportation. The expansion of the cultivatable land into previously forested areas may have affected the availability and cost of large timbers, at least in some areas. All of these factors taken together created a situation in which the use of the tubes became an economically viable substitute for the traditional wooden centering. Regardless of where the nozzle tubes originated, their rampant proliferation during the 3rd century in the area of modern Tunisia was likely a byproduct of the agricultural expansion that occurred during the 2nd century A.D. The adoption of the vaulting tubes as a means of building vaults then led to a creative new vault form, as seen most clearly at Kobbat Bent El Rey.

The idea of a connection between agriculture and the building industry is not new. Many of the materials used on a building site often came from farm settings: wood, rope, baskets, and brick (as seen by the frequent impressions of the hooves of farm animals impressed in the wet clay). Quarries for building stone and lime were another way of exploiting one’s landholdings. Nevertheless, the connection between agriculture and the building industry extends beyond simply the supply of materials to a building site, and with these two examples of ash in mortar and terracotta vaulting tubes from North Africa, I hope to have highlighted some less obvious links between these two sectors of the ancient economy.

ABREVIATURAS1

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CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

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FIRA Fontes Iuris Romani Anteiustiniani, 1941-43, 3 vol., Firenze.

GIBM The Collection of Ancient Greek inscriptions in the British Museum, Oxford.

IG Inscriptiones Graecae.

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I. It. Inscriptiones Italiae.

ILS Inscriptiones Latinae selectae.

ILT Merlin A. 1940. Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, Paris.

ILPBardo Benzina Ben Abdallah, Z. 1986. Catalogue des inscriptions latines païennes du Musée du Bardo, CEFR 92, Roma.

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